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Axxs
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Anarcho Syndicalist Militant from the Asia Pacific
Member the ASF Section of the IWA-AIT.
My views here are my own.
Pinned
Axxs @nomasters.org · Nov 27
International Workers Association Sections, Friends and Feeds to get groups started as they come onto Bluesky.

Please let me know of any updates required.

#anarchosyndicalism #anarchism #iwa-ait
Reposted by Axxs
Background of Structural Transformation and Theoretical Struggle

At every turning point in human history, particularly in the liberation struggle of exploited and oppressed working people, theoretical clarity has always played a central role. In the current capitalist and bureaucratic world […]
Libcom’s Essay and the Theoretical Bankruptcy of Appeasement
### Background of Structural Transformation and Theoretical Struggle At every turning point in human history, particularly in the liberation struggle of exploited and oppressed working people, theoretical clarity has always played a central role. In the current capitalist and bureaucratic world order, merely transferring state power or capital cannot bring about permanent liberation. What is needed is a radical structural transformation—one that is not limited to changing the ownership of the means of production, but brings about a profound revolution at every level of human existence, starting from the world of thought to the production system, social relations, and beyond. The state apparatus itself is an instrument of exploitation; therefore, the primary goal of the liberation struggle should not be merely to capture it or alter its form, but to destroy it. However, it is a matter of great regret that in the theoretical arena of global leftist and revolutionary movements, strategic opportunism and reformist appeasement often obscure the core goals of revolution. Recently, the essay titled "Our Dogmatism and Theirs," published on the international anarchist platform _Libcom_ , has emerged precisely as a document of this kind of theoretical deviation. The response or counter-reply presented by this essay to my previously published writing, "Bolshevik Confusion and the Theoretical Bankruptcy of Anarchists," is not merely a common difference of opinion; rather, it demands a profound theoretical settlement of the fundamental conflict between revolutionary anarchism and bureaucratic Leninism. Writers like Black Freighter have attempted to legitimize a kind of opportunistic appeasement in the name of so-called "solidarity" with Leninist and Bolshevik parties, throwing the fundamental principles of anarcho-syndicalism to the wind. Their core argument is that, given the plight of workers or immediate economic crises, regardless of how flawed the leadership of a union or its political ideology might be, those ideological differences should be ignored for the sake of solidarity or cooperation. This position not only amounts to a betrayal of the core philosophy of anarchism, but also helps conceal the exploitative character of Bolshevik bureaucracy and destroys the foundation of the working class's independent self-organization. ### 1. Reformist Appeasement: The Core Crisis and Outline of Theoretical Deviation in Libcom's Essay Anarchism is not a fragmented or sporadic charitable activity; it is an uncompromising revolutionary struggle against the state, capital, and any form of party dictatorship. The foundation of anarcho-syndicalism is direct action by the working class, decentralization, and the building of entirely independent self-organization outside of state or party bureaucracies. But the path of theoretical surrender chosen by Libcom's writers in the name of strategic realism is in direct conflict with this fundamental struggle and theory. When an international network legitimizes the affiliated organizations of Leninist parties, they unknowingly strengthen that very bureaucratic state apparatus against which anarchists' primary struggle is supposed to be directed. At every stage of history, the Leninist and Bolshevik trend established an unprecedented party dictatorship over the working class after seizing state power. The brutal suppression by the Bolshevik party of the Kronstadt rebellion or the Makhnovist movement in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution bears witness to this historical truth: Bolsheviks were never in favor of spontaneous and decentralized worker power; rather, they have consistently used the labor movement as a stepping stone to serve their own party's political interests. The Soviet state built under the hands of Lenin, Trotsky, and later Stalin was essentially a terrifying form of state capitalism, where workers merely exchanged bourgeois factory masters to become slaves of an all-encompassing master called the state. The maneuvers carried out by platforms like Libcom to cover up this dangerous contradiction prove nothing more than their own theoretical bankruptcy. Solidarity cannot mean shaking hands with the enemy by abandoning fundamental theoretical and practical methods. True solidarity is possible only when it is established on the basis of the independent liberation and self-determination of the oppressed, not through a license of bureaucratization or party affiliation. This appeasement in the name of theoretical compromise kills the core spirit of the revolution and forever turns the labor movement into the vassal of the ruling class or petty-bourgeois leadership. ### 2. The Bangladesh Context and the Dragon Sweaters Movement: Theoretical Surrender in the Name of Strategic Realism The account presented in Libcom's essay regarding the August 2020 labor movement at the "Dragon Sweaters" factory in Dhaka and the connection between the International Confederation of Labour (ICL) and the Bangladesh Garment Workers Trade Union Center (GWTUC) is essentially a shining document of theoretical surrender disguised as strategic realism. Those who celebrate as a "victory" the financing or support provided by international anarchist networks to a trade union directly controlled by the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) and bound by Bolshevik bureaucratic discipline fail to understand that this permanently closes the path for the independent self-organization of the working class in the long run. A former leader of that party blocked me on Facebook because of my criticism of Stalinism. Yet, my statements contained nothing hostile toward the working class. Why, then, did they feel no need for unity with me in the interest of working-class solidarity? The reason is likely that I do not wish to financially support them, or they cannot use my support in Bangladeshi society and politics to present themselves as the vanguard of the working class. Therefore, these Leninist groups deviated from their political ideology long ago, but that does not mean they have become anarcho-syndicalists. It means their opportunistic character has been exposed, and they hesitate at no deceit against the working class to secure these benefits. Trade unions tied to the apron strings of leftist parties in Bangladesh are essentially instruments of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois politics. Within them, party dominance, parliamentary politics, and political bargaining take precedence over the genuine interests of workers. These unions never lead the class struggle of workers toward a radical transformation; instead, they trap them within a specific political circle. Looking at Bangladesh's labor market, despite the garment industry being a major driving force of the national economy today, its workers are victims of extreme exploitation. Various party-affiliated unions seek to take control of the spontaneous rebellions or movements that erupt among workers against this exploitation in order to reap political dividends. Trade unions under the control of parties like the CPB never want workers to independently build their own unions, because doing so would threaten their party guardianship. When international anarchist networks finance or ally with such party-subservient unions, they unknowingly become partners in the process of trapping the Bangladeshi labor movement inside the cage of Bolshevik bureaucracy. This is not merely a strategic mistake; it is an ideological betrayal of the international anarchist movement. ### 3. Deception, Political Intolerance, and the Hegemonic Character of Leninist Parties in Bangladesh In the political and leftist history of Bangladesh, the role of Leninist parties has consistently been the embodiment of dual hypocrisy and extreme intolerance. While wearing the mask of theory to project themselves as the "sole representative" and "vanguard" of the proletariat, in practice they have always striven to suppress independent labor movements and establish their own exclusive party dominance. In the context of Bangladesh, Leninist or so-called communist parties have never allowed the spontaneous class consciousness of workers to develop; instead, they have held workers hostage through bureaucratic structures. Time and again in the history of the Bangladeshi labor movement, whenever workers have taken to the streets independently of any party subordination to demand wage increases or a life of dignity, leaders of trade unions controlled by these Leninist parties have played a brokerage role from behind the scenes. Making secret compromises with management, diverting workers' movements, and diluting workers' genuine demands to compromise with parliamentary or petty-bourgeois politics are among their key political tactics. The internal culture of these parties is intensely bureaucratic and intolerant. The directives of the central committee or petty-bourgeois intellectuals are final; ordinary workers and grassroots activists are nothing more than a "vote bank" or fodder for party processions. These Leninist parties cannot tolerate any alternative ideology or the voice of independent labor organizations. They ruthlessly suppress any independent or anarchist initiative outside their sphere of influence, character-assassinate them, and in some cases join hands with the ruling class's thugs to crush the movement. Today, the intolerance and deceitful character of Leninist parties on Bangladeshi soil are as clear as daylight. Yet, international platforms like Libcom have completely ignored this ground reality and provided theoretical and financial validation in the name of solidarity with these Bolshevik-controlled unions—an act equivalent to stabbing the independent working class of Bangladesh in the back. ### 4. The Contradiction of International Workers' Solidarity and Theoretical Refutation of Libcom's Misinterpretations Libcom's essay claims that the ICL is not a pure anarchist organization, but rather a federation of various trade unions that accommodates diversity. This argument is extremely ridiculous and clever. While an international federation may have ideological or methodological differences, if their core principle is independent workers' solidarity and the struggle against state or party dominance, how can they support unions whose overt goal is the establishment of a centralized communist state and party dictatorship? Ignoring this fundamentally opposing stance on ideology, one cannot justify all kinds of opportunism simply by shouting slogans like "We stand with the workers." The comparison drawn in Libcom's essay by citing Australia's CFMEU and the Labor Party is entirely irrelevant and misleading. Australian trade union politics and the political reality of Bangladesh are never the same. There is a gulf of difference between the dynamics of trade unions in advanced capitalist countries and the party-subservient labor politics of developing countries. In the context of Bangladesh, unions controlled by leftist parties use workers as a staircase for party power rather than achieving their true liberation. Accepting the dominance of Leninist parties in the name of solidarity there means welcoming a new form of exploitation. Measuring the institutional privileges of developed-world trade unions and the struggle-ridden, oppressed labor market realities of the third world with the same yardstick is extreme political blindness. This dual stance of anarchist and Leninist groups in the name of international solidarity is severely confusing the global labor movement. The attempt by Libcom's writers to cover up this theoretical collapse by brandishing the bogeyman of solidarity with exploited workers is nothing less than a betrayal of the movement. Solidarity with workers does not mean handing over the lease of their movement to petty-bourgeois or Bolshevik leaders. True anarchists always encourage workers to build their own independent organizations, never teaching them to be subservient to any Leninist party. The tone with which Libcom's essay attempts to justify the alliance between international organizations and Bolshevik-controlled unions is actually a manifestation of the bankruptcy of the reformist lobby hidden within the global anarchist movement. ### 5. Historical Background: Lessons of the Russian Revolution, Kronstadt, and the Makhnovist Movement A review of historical documents concerning Bolshevik ideology and its application reveals that it has consistently generated bureaucracy, centralization, and state terror. On the eve of the Bolshevik coup in 1917, the soviets of workers and peasants had taken on a spontaneous and decentralized form of power; immediately after seizing state power, the Bolshevik party stripped away all power from those soviets and concentrated it in the hands of the party's Politburo. The core idea of the "vanguard party" advanced in Leninist theory is that the working class is incapable of finding its path to liberation on its own, so a professional revolutionary party or intellectual class must seize power on behalf of the workers. This very concept gave birth not to the dictatorship of the proletariat, but to the dictatorship of the party and subsequently a new bureaucratic bourgeois class. Looking back at the pages of history, in 1921, sailors and workers at Kronstadt raised their voices against the bureaucratic and repressive policies of the Bolshevik government, demanding "Free Soviets." Under the direct orders of the Bolshevik leadership of the time, especially Trotsky and Lenin, the Red Army crushed that uprising through bloodshed. Thousands of revolutionary workers and sailors were killed simply for the crime of opposing the party's dictatorship. Similarly, the anarchist peasant and worker movement led by Nestor Makhno in the free territories of Ukraine was ruthlessly destroyed by the Bolsheviks once they consolidated power. These historical truths prove that the Bolsheviks were never in favor of the working class's liberation; rather, they desired an all-encompassing state apparatus where workers would be reduced to predestined slaves. ### 6. The Path to Liberation from the Quagmire of Bolshevik Confusion and an Alternative Future Anarchism strikes at the very root of this vanguard theory. Anarchism believes that the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves. There is no place here for any intermediary political party or bureaucratic leadership. When platforms like Libcom deny this fundamental truth and join hands with Bolshevik-style unions, they are essentially trying to revive those very old bureaucratic chains. Achieving the genuine liberation of the working class requires an alternative system entirely free from the stranglehold of state and capital. Anarcho-syndicalism provides the blueprint for that alternative. In this system, the means of production and distribution are operated directly under the cooperative and federal structures of the workers, leaving no room for any bureaucratic or party dictatorship. Therefore, it can be stated without hesitation that the essay titled "Our Dogmatism and Theirs," published on the Libcom website, is not a defense of the revolutionary spirit of anarcho-syndicalism, but rather a form of theoretical surrender to the Bolshevik bureaucracy. Those who wish to gloss over this exploitative and centralized structure of Leninist parties in the name of the labor movement are actively blocking the path to the long-term liberation of the working class. Anarchism is not an appeasing, reformist movement; it is an eternal and uncompromising struggle against the state, capital, and any form of party dictatorship. Achieving true liberation for working people is impossible without defeating the deceit, intolerance, and bureaucratic hegemony of Leninist parties on Bangladeshi soil. True liberation can only be achieved by breaking free from the quagmire of Bolshevik confusion and building independent, federal, and cooperative self-organizations of the working class. We must stand up against this erroneous theoretical position of Libcom and continue an uncompromising struggle with the goal of building a dogmatism-free, liberated society. Today, upholding theoretical clarity and rejecting Bolshevik or any form of opportunistic appeasement is the immediate duty of the revolutionary working class. Any compromise in the theoretical struggle means betrayal of the revolution; and the responsibility of breaking the chains of that betrayal to build a new and independent society rests squarely on the shoulders of today's freedom-seeking people. Related link**s :** ​ ​**1. ​** ​**​** Bolshevik Confusion and the Theoretical Bankruptcy of Anarchists 1. ​​**​** Our Dogmatism and Theirs​
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 26, 2026 at 5:43 PM
Leninist vanguardism is party dogma that replaces capitalists with state bureaucrats. Anarcho-syndicalism wants stateless workers federations. Anarchist support for Bangladeshi Leninist unions like GWTUC contradicts this and harms labour organising.

#anarchism
Bolshevik Confusion and the Theoretical Bankruptcy of Anarchists
In the long and complex intellectual trajectory of political and social movements, a fundamental question has always come to the fore: which party, religion, philosophy, or ideology is genuinely capab...
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 23, 2026 at 5:55 AM
Reposted by Axxs
Marx's corpus not only produced the most detailed critical analysis of capitalism to ever be produced, but it immediately spawned, with the help of his collogue Friedrich Engels, a new system of thought and practice that would become dominant in the radical labor movement through the second […]
133 Days of Classical Marxism
Marx's corpus not only produced the most detailed critical analysis of capitalism to ever be produced, but it immediately spawned, with the help of his collogue Friedrich Engels, a new system of thought and practice that would become dominant in the radical labor movement through the second international workers' association. Scholars of Marx and Marxism refer to this framework as 'classical Marxism'. This is because it was the form of Marxism that predominated before Stalin's takeover of the world communist movement through the Soviet controlled communist third international and thereby was different both from Marx's own views and the Marxism-Leninism that would come to dominate the 'communist' bloc of regimes in the 21st century. This form of Marxism like Marxism-Leninism was strategically directed toward the ultimate goal of commandeering centralized political power for the socialist/communist movement, but unlike Marxism-Leninism expected that this conquest of power would only be successful if it took place in conjunction with a wider international revolution which immediately broke down national barriers to the global solidarity of the proletariat against capitalism. This was the kind of Marxism that guided the Bolsheviks' initial seizure of power in Russia. This kind of Marxism went through three crucibles, two of which are well known, the other not. The first crucible came with the first world war. Since there was no prospect of an international social revolution on the immediate horizon from the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th when classical Marxism attained its solidified form the immediate objective became the formation of a socialist party at a national level to represent the workers in bourgeois parliament and raise their consciousness with the ideas of 'scientific socialism'. The second international would in 1896 expel the Anarchists who opposed state power and the socialist parties which came to predominate in it, crucially the German Social Democratic Party (SPD), would go on to create bureaucratic political apparatuses presiding over trade unions, cultural functions, publications, and the administration of state benefits to the working class. The socialist parties, while preaching the downfall of world capitalism, thus became part of the nationalist political mechanisms which provided benefits to members of the working class considered rightful 'citizens' of their nations which thereby and by design cultivated national loyalties among the workers. The tragic result was that the parties generally voted for and supported their own governments participation in the general fratricide of the world proletariat that kicked off in 1914 despite having verbally committed themselves to radical internationalism. The international collapsed and although it still technically exists, would never again be dominated by revolutionary Marxism. The second crucible came with the Russian Revolution. Counting on a corresponding revolutionary upsurge in the west the Bolsheviks rode a movement for worker-peasant control of society in Russia that had overthrown both the Tsarist empire and the bourgeois provisional government that replaced it to power. They completely subordinated the council organizations of the workers, peasants, and soldiers, replaced worker control of factories with one man management, and replaced worker and soldier militias with a regular hierarchical military. With the failure of revolutionary workers' movements in western countries like Germany and Italy the Bolshevik state transformed into a dictatorship _over_ , rather than _of_ , the proletariat. Workers and peasants now had to produce for state controlled industry and agriculture hooked up to the world market under a communist political autocracy. The process of _constraining the class struggle_ ultimately led Stalin to execute a take over of the autocracy and institute a totalitarian project of forcibly mobilizing the workers and peasants for break neck industrialization, collectivization (herding peasants on to state controlled farms to meet grain targets for the state), and capital accumulation justified by a new Marxist-Leninist ideology that dispensed with the requirement of an immediate international revolution and maintained that socialism would be made possible only through national military and economic development. The third crucible took place before the full playing out of the second. In 1918 the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy precipitated by world war led to the creation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic to last 133 days. The Hungarian labor movement had its down historic connections to a socialist party that led the way in achieving bread and butter gains for the workers. It was also host to a much more militant social movement centered around Anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism. Syndicalism which aimed to achieve socialism through self-organized revolutionary labor unions and Anarchism which argued that a precondition for socialism is the immediate negation of centralized political power constituted the main alternative in the global north and south to classical Marxist 'social democracy' and often merged with each other to form the Anarcho-Syndicalist movement. Often the presence of large and healthy revolutionary syndicalist and Anarchist movements such as in France and Spain translated into an absence of success for Marxist social democracy. So if classical Marxism was to dominate in Hungary the syndicalists would have to be marginalized. This is exactly what happened when in February 1918 the syndicalists precipitated a general strike which was met with government repression of syndicalist leaders. Thereby the militant alternative in the workers' movement to the conciliatory socialists during the war was excised. Meanwhile the Transylvanian journalist Bela Kun had been captured as a prisoner of war by Russia and then set free by the Bolsheviks as a result of his reputation as a prominent social democrat. Kun would return to the country leading a band of communists influenced by the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. The October Rose Revolution replaced the collapsed monarchy with a liberal republic which the socialists would come to dominate. The communists and socialists would engage in ultra sectarian conflicts over control of the government and movement. Béla Kun, the __de facto__ leader of the Hungarian Soviet Republic from Wikipedia The culmination of these conflicts was a wave of repression against the communists by the government in response to an Anarchist assassination of four police officers. Bela Kun was detained and in an act of recrimination police visited his cell and beat him. This act was widely publicized owing to the presence of a journalist at the beating unbeknownst to the police carrying it out. The public outcry forced a rehabilitation of the communists and ultimately the two factions merged into the United Socialist Party under the communists' ideological objectives leading to the proclamation of the Soviet Republic on March 21st. Proclamation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, 21 March 1919 from Wikipedia Neither party was a contributor to revolutionary social change in Hungary. The socialists shied away from a full revolutionary transformation based on the the workers' council movement that had developed from the syndicalists despite the fact that Budapest workers' and soldiers' councils had taken defacto power in the aftermath of Autumn Rose. The communists made a virtue out of the Bolsheviks' contradictory combination of a vision of all power to the workers' councils, state controlled industrial production, and party autocracy, the latter of which being enforced in Hungary like it was in Russia; via an aggressive secret police force. During the factional squabbles of different groups of communists and socialists the syndicalists continued to be a genuine revolutionary opposition calling for the party to become fully subordinate to the workers' councils which could have taken place given that agricultural and industrial workers continued to seize control of land and factories while making recalcitrant criticisms of the socialists as "counterrevolutionary". Despite the fact that the syndicalists had control of the Budapest workers' and soldiers' councils these councils were thereby forced to reverse the election of the syndicalists in the eighth district. Similarly something of an Anarchistic agricultural workers movement developed to push for their interests as the most disadvantaged section of the working class. Instead of land redistribution to rural workers, however, the communists made a vague decree in favor of the nationalization of land, and abolished the land tax while inflating food prices which only benefited well to do peasants. The agricultural association was couped out of the government by the socialists and received no support from the communists. The agricultural movement thereby went conservative ultimately delivering the rural masses into the arms of the antisemitic counterrevolution. The counterrevolution was made possible in the first instance by the fact that neither the Soviet Republic, nor the socialist led bourgeois republic before it, altered the state directed form of capitalism based on the bureaucratic exploitation of the rural workers and the subordination of non-Maygar ethnicities, in particular the Jewish minorities. The biggest gains the communists had tossed the workers was the reduction of the working day, the abolition of piece work, and increasing wages. Piece work was reintroduced and the working day lengthened however in the aftermath of the suppression of an attempt by Admiral Horthy to mount a counterrevolutionary uprising. This was part of a general roll back of revolutionary gains in response to that uprising when antisemitic raids were conducted on Polish Jewish refugees, officers from the ancien regime were brought back to fix up a disintegrating army, and an ill-conceived wheat barter program ended up benefiting nobody. Like the Bolsheviks the Hungarians paid for their expectation of a general revolution in the west. Not even the Bolsheviks themselves were able to come to the Hungarians aid. Bela Kun saw the Bolshevik Brest-Litovsk peace as a concession to counterrevolution and so faced with the prospect of having to conclude his own punishing peace with Germany and Romania he pushed it off until it was too late. After a failed communist backed coup in Austria and the Hungarians managing the military establishment of a Slovak Soviet Republic Kun was finally forced to concede and retreat. The Soviet Republic was ultimately dissolved and the Horthy led counterrevolution triumphed in the construction of an antisemitic authoritarian conservative regime. The lesson to be learned, I would argue, is that the classical Marxist marriage of strident internationalism and a strategic fixation on centralized political power cannot be made to work. Whenever classical Marxists have relied on participation in politics as a separate sphere of social life they have found that, like all projects within that sphere, itself the product of a society divided between ruling and nonruling classes, they had to use repressive mechanisms to discipline the laboring masses into accepting their power within that sphere. This meant betraying both the socialism and internationalism of their programs: having to try to maintain political power in isolation as a result of broader working class defeats, make concessions to nationalism in the absence of an international working class mobilization, and sustain the subordination of living labor (workers) to dead labor (industrial capital accumulation), or simply be wiped off the map all together. In doing so they had to suppress and dismiss on the ground possibilities for the self-organization of the working masses and their control over industry and agriculture given fullest theoretical articulation in the Anarchist and revolutionary syndicalist movements. Thus classical Marxism contributed substantially to the defeat of the world working class in the 20th century whether in western Europe, Russia, or Hungary. **Sources** The Russian Revolution: An Anarchist View, Tompkins The USSR: An Anarchist View, Tompkins Anarcho-Syndicalism in the 20th Century, Damier Revolution in Perspective, Janos Bela Kun and the Hungarian Soviet Republic, L. Tokes The Second International, Decange Marxism and Social Revolution, Eley
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 22, 2026 at 12:06 PM
Reposted by Axxs
The basics of Rule and Anti-Rule
The Beast of History: The Basics of Politics and Antipolitics Part One
**_Theory of the political_** It is often said that the personal is political. This is right in the sense that in our world our personal lives are facilitated by political processes reproducing the society we live in. It is wrong in the sense that politics is not a transhistorical reality which exists in every human society, nor is it the case that the average person in every society directly interacts with the political in the same proportion to ordinary people in every other society. Nonetheless, the modern globalized world _is_ a political one. Most cultures are dominated by nation-states, which, in virtue of being nation-states and in virtue of existing in a context of ideological struggle, are characterized by a particular political teleology. That is, all nation-states are _directed_ toward the realization of a particular social ideal, and it is this directedness which explains their characteristic institutions. So it is vastly important to have a basic idea of what _the political_ at bottom is. Politics is not a modern phenomenon in and of itself. Ancient societies had politics, but in a different way. In ancient societies, politics was dominated by ethical considerations about how social groups were best to relate to the cycles of nature, supernatural forces, and communal traditions. There was no inkling of mass mobilization for the transformation of society into a more ideal state because there was no significant industrial control of natural ecologies, cultures were much more separated out from each other across the world, there were no broad enlightenment norms of thinking for oneself, rather than relying on authority and tradition, and politics was not separated out from the domain of religion whose purpose is to subordinate human activity to the activity of supernatural causes. With the development of modern industry via the capitalist world-economy and the consequent scientific revolution and enlightenment, masses of people began to be drawn into political battles over how society should be organized. This mass mobilization produced _ideology_ defined as a framework which demands mass political action to bring about a more ideal social order. Politics was subsequently secularized (even in conditions of profound religious fundamentalism) such that social struggles presuppose the ability of human beings to transform nature and the social order on their own initiative. However, there were many societies that lacked any form of politics whatsoever. Hunter-gatherer tribes, in which all human beings lived for most of our species’ existence, had no politics. There was no particular process of social life that could be separated out from the others as a political process. All the affairs of society were conducted through the general cultural functions of the tribal community. A sphere of life identifiable as *political* only arose when significant social stratification and thereby class differences developed, making some people rulers and others ruled. Of course, in societies with politics, ancient and modern, the point of political processes is to conduct the management of general social affairs such as wealth distribution, property delineation, and social decision-making.This has often hoodwinked commentators into defining the political merely in terms of the management of social affairs. However, in conditions like the hunter-gatherer society, there is no _specific_ area of social life dealing with the management of social affairs. This management is simply the spontaneous effect of the general social life of the community. Therefore, the most plausible general definition of the political, or politics, is the existence of a separate sphere of social life dedicated to the management of societal affairs. To extract from this, we can define the ancient political and the modern political as such: _The ancient political_ — the management of societal affairs through a separate social sphere oriented toward the preservation of ethicoreligious order within natural-supernatural cycles. _The modern political_ — the management of societal affairs through a separate social sphere oriented toward the transformation of teleoideological order through mass-historical progression. ** _Theory of politicization_** Modernity’s creation of the individual as separate from the social group meant that human subjectivity became more particularized than it had been in premodernity. In premodern societies, the individual functioned as part of an integrated group and was expected to serve it according to their rank and status while fulfilling its ethical and religious obligations. Modernity, however, created an additional layer of alienation by intensifying humanity’s experience of being open to the world. Humanity’s separation from the natural world originally emerged through the cognitive evolution of ecstatic experience and imaginative thinking, combined with physiological abilities, such as bipedal movement, opposable thumbs, and the ability to regulate body temperature through perspiration. Together, these abilities allowed humans to develop complex rituals, tools, and social relationships. Unlike other animals, which are highly specialized for particular ecological niches, humans have relatively few fixed instincts and are therefore more open-ended and unfinished as a species. This places humanity in a unique position: a “nicheless niche” within a world structured around specialized niches. Humanity is therefore both a species of the whole Earth and, in a sense, a non-Earth species. Humans can create environments for themselves almost anywhere on Earth and even beyond it, while also being unable to fit completely into any single natural environment. This openness created a need for closure, belonging, and meaning, which was initially provided by religious cosmologies. Modernizing forces disrupted these forms of belonging and pushed this openness into the individual. By turning everyone into a private individual, modernity intensified the human experience of having to construct one’s own identity and place in the world. In premodernity, alienation was resolved by fitting oneself into a collective we-subject. Under modernity, this alienation is intensified because the individual is instead expected to construct and maintain an autonomous I-subject. Humanity goes from experiencing time in diverging natural and social cycles to time as stretched out into a globalized linear line. The malleability of the I-subject produces a permanent movement and transformation in the boundaries between different spheres of social life. This means that the arenas created by modern politics are constantly in flux, whereas in premodernity they were more fixed. Premodern societies did not generally expect social life to be continually transformed by the demands of mass political agency. Thus, while the political has a premodern counterpart, politicization does not. Politicization emerges specifically under modernity, where continuous change becomes the expected condition of social life. Because political ideology is the native cosmology of the I-subject living in linear time, the resulting generic form of politicization concerns the explicit management of constant ideological conflict. For simplicity, we will distinguish between two arenas of the modern political: _Civic-society arena_ — the sphere of ordinary social relations of out-rule, in which the general populace conducts its day-to-day lives as citizens engaged in work, leisure, association, and other forms of social activity. Informal forms of rulership reside within this arena, but formalized rulership does not, except when the administrative-society arena enters it to intercept, manage, or redirect politicization that has emerged within civic society toward a particular form of politicization, which we will explore later. _Administrative-society arena_ — the sphere of specialized social relations of in-rule, in which administrators, delegates, trustees, and other specialized political actors formulate and exercise governance. It is expected and well understood that conflict will inevitably arise both internally and externally to these arenas, intruding upon modern social life and disrupting the ordinary functioning of day-to-day activities within both. But it is demanded that all ideological conflicts conform to reconstructing the existence of the two arenas. We can therefore identify five forms of politicization, each of which answers two fundamental questions: 1. How should the two arenas be reconciled with one another? 2. Where should the inevitable emergence of conflict be directed in relation to them? The arenas themselves are brought into existence through generic politicization. Their existence is therefore not itself the problem to be solved. The question is never how to make the two arenas exist, but rather what should be done with their given existence and with the conflicts that inevitably emerge within and between them. These five forms of politicization are: * Depoliticization * Repoliticization * Semipoliticization * Nonpoliticization * Antipoliticization When these processes become sufficiently formalized and institutionalized to produce and sustain a distinct type of society, they can be rendered as corresponding political conditions: * The depolitical * The repolitical * The semipolitical * The nonpolitical * The antipolitical Thus, the five forms describe processes of organizing the relationship between the two arenas and the conflicts that pass through them. In contrast, their adjectival forms describe the mature social orders produced and sustained by those processes. **_Depoliticization_** Depoliticization — the removal and containment of ideological conflict from the civil-society arena by confining political contestation to the exclusive spheres of the administrative-society arena. Rather than eliminating the modern political, depoliticization displaces its burden onto those occupying privileged or exclusive positions within society, making them the conscious political agents responsible for confronting, managing, and containing ideological conflict. The people in the civil society arena are thereby relieved of the obligation to engage directly in political struggle. At the same time, the sources, means, and agencies of politicization are withdrawn from general society and concentrated among exclusive administrative actors. Depoliticization is therefore itself a form of politicization: it does not abolish the political but redistributes its burden, agency, and means of contestation. In this sense, depoliticizers can be understood as the “vampires of the political,” absorbing and concentrating the political energy of society while leaving the wider public politically disengaged. ** _Repoliticization_** Repoliticization — the relocation and amplification of ideological conflict within the civil-society arena by defining the people within that arena as parties to a direct and irreconcilable conflict. The administrative-society arena is thereby tasked not with resolving the conflict itself, but with legitimizing, protecting, and providing the means through which the people can pursue their competing interests and confront one another. Repoliticizers can be understood as “mob-makers” or, continuing the monster metaphor, “zombie-horders of the political,” who continually seek to ignite polarization among the people by encouraging them to recognize themselves as protagonists confronting social antagonists who must be violently removed according to the dynamism of heroic political theatrics. A repoliticizing society is therefore one defined by exhaustive flashes of political brutality, through which recurring confrontation continually reinforces social bonds organized around dissensus rather than consensus. From here, we can create two subtypes of repoliticization: Nicene repoliticization — the attempt to attain victory over the political through repoliticization. Victory refers to the achievement of an anti-systemic utopian order in which the persistent ideological conflicts characteristic of the capitalist political order are ultimately overcome. Repoliticization is therefore understood as a transitional struggle whose purpose is to transcend the political conditions that make such conflict necessary. Aresian repoliticization — the pursuit of permanent contest within the political through repoliticization. Permanent conflict refers to the conception of systemic politics as an enduring process in which the political community continually constitutes and reconstitutes itself through irreconcilable political contestation. Rather than seeking to overcome the political, Aresian repoliticization treats conflict as constitutive of political community itself: the community must continually build itself through the struggle among its competing interests, identities, and wills. **_Semipoliticization_** Semipoliticization — the management of ideological conflict through a plurality of legitimated interest groups, each permitted to exist and pursue its interests so long as it recognizes the legitimacy of other groups and remains oriented toward toleration, compromise, and consensus. The administrative-society arena is responsible for defining the permissible range and duration of political conflict, determining when interest groups may contest one another and when their contestation must yield to a peaceful settlement. Civil society consequently functions as a swinging door between approaching repolitical and depolitical energies and spaces, as it allows political conflict to enter and circulate within society while continually regulating its intensity. Its objective is to keep political contestation within the bounds of agonism, neutrality, and ideally positive consensus, while preventing it from escalating into open antagonism, uncontrolled emotionality, or enduring dissensus. Semipoliticization therefore neither suppresses political conflict entirely nor permits it to become unlimited: it institutionalizes conflict by making contestation legitimate only within administratively maintained boundaries of acceptable disagreement. This produces the most interesting kind of public backlash from those who’ve lived decades under this system, as they’ve become witness to the, frankly, psychologically exhaustive, process of passive and active semipoliticization that can make anyone feel at times both less important and too important during a given part of the cycle. A cycle we will call the semipolitical a-swing and b-swing, or the calm down: it’s time to get seriously pragmatic about who you voted for and agitate up; it’s time to get seriously idealistic about your voting choices. This Marathon we call procedural elections. The reason pragmatic A-Cycle comes before the idealistic B-Cycle is because to have had these elections in the first place, you need to have had established a provisional overlapping consensus to then roll out onto the populace to take part in. Controversially and perversely, we will claim that semipoliticization is neither depoliticizing nor repoliticizing, which betrays many people who claim this system creates polarization, as well as many of those same people who also claim this system doesn’t care about them. This paradoxical antagonized-unimportant populace narrative can, funnily enough, only organically emerge in a society where they’ve felt neither depoliticism nor repoliticism, but only semipoliticism, as it creates a unique half-in/half-out feeling in people. Civic pendulation — the cyclical movement of citizens between periods of political activation and political latency, particularly through the recurring sequence of electoral participation, waiting, and renewed participation. ** _Nonpoliticization_** Nonpoliticization — the maintenance of existing boundaries between the civic-society and administrative-society arenas by keeping matters outside both political contestation and political noncontestation. Rather than directing conflict into either arena, nonpoliticization renders conflict politically inert, allowing it to be represented, experienced, or consumed without altering the existing relationship between the arenas or generating a political response within them. _Callofdutyization_ — the process by which political conflict is transformed into a fictionalized interactive spectacle in which the audience is positioned simultaneously as a passive observer and as a virtualized specialized military actor presented as an active agent responsible for confronting and resolving that conflict. By transferring political violence into interactive fictional scenarios, the process allows increasingly enormous, absurd, and destabilizing geopolitical conflicts to be represented and para-participated in without requiring the audience to recognize them as matters of political contestation within their own society. The political conflict remains present as a game of spectacle—the player presses a button and a digital soldier shoots—but its resolution is consistently externalized onto professionalized military actors who act on the audience’s behalf. The player therefore performs political violence without becoming politically responsible for it: they experience the sensation of political agency while remaining structurally separated from the political consequences of that agency. The term callofdutyization is named after the blockbuster FPS series _Call of Duty_. The series initially situated its campaigns within real-world conflicts, particularly the Second World War, but its _Modern Warfare_ subseries became particularly important to this process by shifting toward fictionalized modern geopolitical conflicts. Because these conflicts are fictional, the developers can take considerably greater liberties in constructing and intensifying their political scenarios. Yet regardless of how enormous or destabilizing these conflicts become, their resolution is ultimately entrusted to U.S. military forces. The player consequently assumes a fundamentally passive position toward the political world represented by the game, experiencing global conflict from the perspective of supposedly active actors whose role is to manage and resolve it on the player's behalf. __Call of Duty 4: Modern Warfare__ Game Disc, an example of a __nonpolitical object__ In this sense, callofdutyization reproduces a familiar form of military heroism: the audience is presented with heroic soldiers who confront and die for the protection of a society whose members remain outside the political struggle itself. The distinction becomes even more pronounced when real geopolitical conflicts are transformed into fictional ones, allowing the audience to consume representations of political conflict without being asked to determine its meaning, participate in its resolution, or contest the social order underlying it. Nonpoliticization therefore neither polarizes nor depolarizes. It does not amplify conflict within the civic-society arena, nor does it relocate conflict into the administrative-society arena for conscious management. Instead, it leaves the existing relationship between the arenas untouched. It says neither that the people should politically confront one another nor that political conflict should be consciously managed by specialized actors. It simply presents conflict as something that will be handled by someone else, somehow, somewhere. In a manner of speaking, nonpoliticization is the “invisible man of the political”: its presence can be felt, and its effects can be seen, yet its direct political identity remains difficult to detect. One could then argue that nonpoliticization, and the nonpolitical it produces, are not forms of politicization at all, but simply that which is not political and therefore exists outside politics. The short answer is that this is correct. The long answer is that this is precisely why it is a form of politicization. The pernicious character of nonpoliticization lies in its ability to present political violence as an ordinary and unremarkable feature of global life. Political violence becomes something that simply happens somewhere else, to someone else, and is consequently experienced by the protected populations of powerful states primarily as an image, narrative, or spectacle rather than as a direct political problem. The political violence of the global system is thereby rendered normal through distance: those who are sufficiently protected from it need not experience it as an intrusion into their own civic lives, while those elsewhere bear its material consequences. This dynamic can also be observed in drone warfare. The drone pilot may operate hundreds or thousands of miles from the target, separated physically and socially from the people whose lives are being affected. The technological distance between pilot and target constructs a corresponding political distance between action and consequence. The destruction of a target—and potentially of innocent civilians—can therefore be experienced as an abstract technical operation rather than as a direct political act. Responsibility becomes psychologically and socially obscured by the machinery that mediates the violence. This is the character of the nonpolitical: not necessarily the absence of political consequences, but the absence of political immediacy. Political actions are displaced so far from the ordinary experience of those who participate in or consume them that their political character becomes difficult to perceive. The nonpolitical thus creates a condition in which violence can be simultaneously highly political in its effects and apparently nonpolitical in its experience. Nonpoliticization therefore occupies a peculiar position within the taxonomy of the political. It does not seek to eliminate political conflict, resolve it, or consciously relocate it. Instead, it allows political conflict and violence to persist behind a veil of normality, making the political appear as though it were simply the background condition of an otherwise nonpolitical world. **_Antipoliticization_** Antipoliticization — the use of political conflict to directly dismantle the separation between the civic-society and administrative-society arenas, seeking instead a new integration of social life that is no longer organized around their distinction. Antipoliticization therefore does not seek to manage, contain, or permanently reproduce ideological conflict, but to use conflict against the conditions that produce and sustain it. Its relationship to ideological conflict is consequently one of immediate negation: antipolitics politicizes through a “negation of the negation,” agitating and polarizing society toward the ultimate abolition of the conditions requiring political antagonism. Unlike repoliticization, it does not identify itself with political conflict as a permanent or constitutive condition; unlike depoliticization, it does not privatize, conceal, or concentrate conflict within exclusive spheres; and unlike semipoliticization, it does not seek a negotiated consensus among permanently differentiated interests. Instead, antipoliticization seeks a consensus that emerges from the transcendence of those differentiated interests themselves—a condition in which the free production and cooperation of social life render the administrative–civic division, and ultimately the political as a separate sphere, unnecessary. Its ultimate objective is therefore not peace through the management of conflict, but peace through the abolition of the conditions that make conflict politically necessary. **_Roundtable politicization:_** If these forms of politicization could talk to you and each other at an imagined roundtable with you seated in one chair at a six-sided table with the other five chairs occupied by them, this is what they would say to you. **You** say:_“I’m worried about X political issue.”_ **Depoliticization** says: _“This isn't your concern.”_ **Repoliticization** says: _“It isn’t just your concern; it is who you are.”_ **Semipoliticization** says: _“This is your concern, get in line and vote, but wait until the results and accept those results; if you have a problem, we’ll need you to wait until there's another election set up for you to try your luck again at. So, really, politics is only really your concern intermittently, procedurally, and within predetermined boundaries.”_ **Nonpoliticization** says:_“... Na.”_ **Antipoliticization** says: _“This is all bullshit.”_ As you can see, semipoliticization is the most long-winded, talkative, and obnoxious to deal with. Sources: Peter L. Berger - The Sacred Canopy Roger Griffin - Modernism and fascism Juan Linz - Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser - Populism: A very short introduction Carl Schmitt - The Concept of the Political (Schmidt was a hardline Nazi who argued an influential totalitarian concept of the political, here used as a source for the concept of repoliticization. The authors obviously find his politics abhorrent.) Politics, Tansey and Jackson The State, Barclay Introduction to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Marx Anarchy, Malatesta Anarchist Communism, Kropotkin Marx at the Millennium, Smith Imagined Communities, Anderson _This text is the collaborative work of Piper Tompkins and Post-Comprehension_
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 18, 2026 at 11:38 AM
In 1917, Russian workers and peasants built organs of self-rule, but Bolshevik centralisation destroyed them, replacing popular control with party dictatorship, state capitalism and repression.

#anarchism
The Russian Revolution: An Anarchist View
The Russian Revolution was one of the most earth shaking events in human history. It created the first ever communist state in the world and thereby gave rise to a new international communist movement...
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 11, 2026 at 8:40 AM
Reposted by Axxs
The Long History of Limiting Power Toward a Society Without Domination
(Part One: An Introduction) - The Anarchist Impulse in the History of Human Rights
One of the most fundamental characteristics of modern human rights theory is the positioning of the state as the primary subject of obligation. In the framework of international human rights law, the state is not merely one of several actors that can influence the fulfillment of rights, but rather the institution that bears the primary obligation to respect, fulfill, and protect human rights. Consequently, in modern philosophical, legal, and sociopolitical discourse, human rights and anarchism are often understood as two mutually contradictory concepts. The existence of the state is viewed as a prerequisite for the protection of human rights, while anarchism—which rejects hierarchies, including the state—is seen as precluding the possibility of fulfilling rights. However, this assumption harbors a paradox that is rarely questioned. The history of human rights is almost always told as the history of civilization’s progress. This narrative is certainly not entirely incorrect, but it leaves out one conclusion drawn from historical facts that is rarely discussed: **throughout the history of civilization, every time the state has expanded its capacity to dominate people, history has responded by giving rise to a new set of rights designed to limit the state.** This question shifts the way we interpret the history of human rights. Rather than viewing it as a history of an ever-expanding list of rights, the history of human rights can be interpreted as a step-by-step effort to limit political power. Because, every time a state, a monarchy, or whatever it may be called attempts to expand its domination over people, history responds by narrowing the scope of legitimacy for that political power. The history of human rights is not a history of the rulers’ generosity, but rather a long history of humanity’s distrust of unchecked power. At the very least, there is one premise for opening this discourse: if, from the outset, human rights theory itself asserts that human rights violations are directly understood as acts of the state (by commission), and violence by non-state actors is interpreted as a human rights violation when the state fails to prevent, stop, investigate, or provide redress for such violations (by omission), then from the very beginning, modern human rights theory has been built on the assumption that the most serious threat to human freedom lies in institutionalized public power—and that power is called the state. **The Genealogy of Human Rights as an Instrument for Limiting Political Hierarchical Dominance** So far, the earliest trace of this common thread of thought can be traced back to the 13th century through the Magna Carta, signed by King John of England in 1215, which is often cited as one of the foundations of the modern constitutional state—not because it recognized human rights in the contemporary sense, but because, for the first time, a ruler was forced to accept that his power was not above the law. The clauses on due process of law and the prohibition against deprivation of liberty without legal basis marked the birth of an idea that would later become the core of the rule of law: political power must be subject to rules that bind it. The Magna Carta did not yet address universal equality; in fact, most of its provisions protected only the nobility. Yet its significance lies in something far more fundamental: absolute power began to lose its moral legitimacy. This journey continued within the British constitutional tradition through the Petition of Right (1628), the Habeas Corpus Act (1679), and the English Bill of Rights (1689). All three emerged from a long-standing conflict between the monarchy and Parliament over the limits of state authority. The king could no longer levy taxes unilaterally, detain anyone without legal grounds, or use military power to subjugate citizens without oversight. Little by little, the scope of his power was narrowed. Magna Carta did not ultimately put an end to monarchical absolutism, but in its own way, it established a constitutional tradition that, for centuries thereafter, consistently manifested in efforts to limit the scope of political power. Following its signing in 1215, the demand that rulers submit to the law evolved through a series of constitutional instruments in England. The Petition of Rights of 1628 limited the authority of King Charles I by prohibiting the collection of taxes without parliamentary consent, arbitrary detention, the forced quartering of soldiers in citizens’ homes, and the imposition of martial law in peacetime. Five decades later, specifically in 1679, the Habeas Corpus Act strengthened protections for individual freedoms by guaranteeing that anyone detained had the right to be brought promptly before a court to have the legality of their detention reviewed, thereby limiting the state’s ability to exercise coercive power arbitrarily—a process that culminated in the adoption of the English Bill of Rights 10 years later, ending the dominance of absolute monarchy by affirming the supremacy of Parliament and restricting the king’s prerogatives. This document prohibited the king from suspending or disregarding laws without parliamentary consent, imposing taxes unilaterally, maintaining a standing army in peacetime without legislative approval, or imposing cruel and unusual punishments. While the Magna Carta planted the seed that rulers are subject to the law, the Bill of Rights expanded that principle into the foundation of constitutional government: the legitimacy of the state no longer derives from the will of the king, but from the law and political consent. Interestingly, none of these historical milestones came about because the state voluntarily decided to impose limits on itself. Every restriction has always been the result of political crises and social conflicts, fueled by resistance against the atrocities born of power. The early history of human rights, therefore, has never followed a peaceful path. It emerged from the clash between authorities seeking to maintain their dominance and a society striving to reclaim its freedom. The late 18th century brought far more radical changes. The American Revolution produced the Declaration of Independence (1776), which declared that all men are created equal and possess unalienable rights. However, the revolution that most decisively shaped the course of modern human rights actually took place in France. The French Revolution of 1789 not only overthrew the Bourbon monarchy but also challenged the very basis of the legitimacy of the entire European political order. The king was no longer considered to derive his power from the divine right of kings; sovereignty was transferred to the people. It was in this context that the Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen (Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen) was adopted on August 26, 1789. This declaration introduced principles that would later become the universal language of human rights: all human beings are born free and equal in rights; freedom, property, security, and the right to resist oppression are natural rights; and laws are valid only if they reflect the general will. The state is no longer understood as the owner of human beings, but rather as an institution that derives its legitimacy to the extent that it respects their rights. This development marked a fundamental shift in modern political history. Whereas in the Middle Ages the law served primarily to protect the state from its people, since the French Revolution the law has been directed toward protecting the people from the state itself. It is this shift that subsequently became the foundation for all subsequent developments in human rights. From the Magna Carta to the French Declaration, one pattern has repeatedly emerged: individual rights, as a struggle for freedom, have evolved through the limitation of political power. However, history does not move in a straight line toward freedom. The 19th century and the early 20th century, in fact, revealed a new paradox. Modern states that had adopted constitutions, parliaments, and various forms of representative government also experienced an unprecedented expansion of state power. The Industrial Revolution strengthened the power of the state not by broadening its political legitimacy, but by drastically increasing the state’s capacity to control society. Industrialization generated economic growth that increased tax revenues, enabling the formation of a more complex bureaucracy, and was supported by technological developments such as railroads, the telegraph, and mass production, which enhanced the state’s ability to administer its population, mobilize resources, and organize military forces on an unprecedented scale. The increase in the state’s capacity brought about by the Industrial Revolution transformed the modern state from a mere guardian of order into an administrative machine capable of regulating the population, mobilizing resources, and organizing violence on a scale previously unimaginable. In other words, the more modern a state becomes, the greater its capacity to intervene in people’s lives. This paradox rarely receives attention in popular narratives about the development of human rights. Democracy has expanded, constitutions have proliferated, and civil rights have been extended; yet at the same time, the state’s capacity for domination has also increased. In turn, the strengthening of the state gave rise to two of the most extreme consequences previously unimaginable: World War I and World War II. The outbreak of World War I from 1914 to 1918 was a manifestation of what modern states are capable of when nationalism, industrialization, and militarism converge in a single arena. Millions of people were mobilized through conscription; millions more were killed by the technology of war produced by industrialized nations; while all of society’s resources were directed toward sustaining the national war machine. Once again, the outbreak of World War I—an unprecedented, heinous tragedy—dismantled the thesis that the state, as a political power, can be reformed simply by changing its form. The state remains the state, and power remains power, both possessing an expansive desire. And whenever that desire for domination is pursued in any form, it will invariably manifest as oppression of human beings. The trauma of World War I gave rise to the conviction that the system of international relations must be reformed. Through the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, the League of Nations was established as the first organization of states aimed at preventing war through collective cooperation. The League of Nations was founded on the hope that states could rein in their political ambitions through international mechanisms. In many historical narratives, the formation of the League of Nations is understood as a progressive step toward a more peaceful world order. However, a genealogical analysis reveals something different—something that, once again, is almost never discussed: Although the League of Nations was established as part of the states’ efforts to maintain peace, the key historical fact behind its formation was actually that states had failed to do so. The very existence of the League of Nations is an acknowledgment that the system of sovereign states that had developed since the Peace of Westphalia (1648) lacked adequate mechanisms to prevent war on a global scale. In other words, this first international institution comprising modern states was born as a response to a crisis produced, ironically, by those same modern states—a response that embodied a hope that did not last long. History later recorded that throughout the 1930s, the League of Nations failed to stop Japan’s invasion of Manchuria in 1931, Italy’s aggression against Ethiopia in 1935, or Nazi Germany’s expansion in Europe. The organization, formed to keep states in check, lacked sufficient power when its member states chose to disregard international law. Behind these failures lies a far more fundamental reality: no international institution is capable of restraining a state if that state itself refuses to be restrained. These failures reached their peak when World War II broke out—a tragedy that spanned 1939–1945 and radically altered the course of international law and human rights. If World War I demonstrated the capacity of states to destroy humanity through industrialized warfare, then World War II showed that modern states are also capable of systematically organizing violence against their own people. The Holocaust, concentration camps, mass killings, medical experiments on humans, forced deportations, and the use of atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki demonstrated that the greatest threat to human life does not stem from the absence of the state, but rather from the presence of a state wielding nearly unlimited power. Hannah Arendt examined this tragedy through two complementary works. In The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), she demonstrated how totalitarian states destroy the most fundamental protections afforded to human beings by stripping them of their political status as subjects with rights. When a person loses the protection of the state, they lose not only their citizenship but also the space in which their rights can be recognized. Meanwhile, in Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (1963), Arendt demonstrates that extraordinary crimes do not always stem from personal hatred or individual madness. Adolf Eichmann, a Nazi responsible for the genocide of the Holocaust, is not portrayed as a monster, but rather as a bureaucrat carrying out his duties with administrative obedience. Evil becomes banal precisely because it is carried out through seemingly ordinary state procedures, and violence no longer requires a bloodthirsty tyrant; it merely requires an obedient apparatus. Although Arendt’s thesis has received much criticism, it at least demonstrates that, within the logic of the state exercising its power, evil is the norm. For more than seven centuries, the development of human rights has shown a consistent trend: every expansion of protection for individual rights has always been followed by efforts to narrow the scope of legitimate political power. **History has since provided a tragic justification for the reasons behind this trend. Just as the modern state reached the peak of its organizational capacity, humanity witnessed yet another of the greatest humanitarian tragedies in modern history.** Just as with World War I, World War II demonstrated that the greatest threat to human dignity stems, once again, not from the absence of the state, but from the presence of a state with an almost limitless capacity to organize domination and violence. This experience does not prove the failure of the concept of human rights; on the contrary, it demonstrates that the greater the state’s capacity to dominate, the more urgent the need for a set of universal principles capable of limiting that power. Thus, the history of human rights is not one that crumbles in the face of the state, but rather one that continues to evolve in response to the expansion of state power itself. From the ruins of World War II, the United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945, followed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on December 10, 1948. The existence of both—often understood as milestones in the birth of the modern human rights regime—simultaneously represents the international community’s recognition that the state is the only entity capable of committing human rights violations, making it the most serious threat to human life, freedom, and dignity. Therefore, the UDHR does not merely compile a catalog of universal rights but reaffirms a principle that has evolved since the Magna Carta: political power derives its legitimacy only to the extent that it respects human dignity, and when that power exceeds those limits, it is human beings who must take precedence, not the state. In this sense, the core spirit of the UDHR remains the liberation of humanity from political domination, as evidenced, among other things, by the principle of the universality of human rights—the fundamental principle that fundamental rights and freedoms are inherent to every human being worldwide from birth, regardless of ethnicity, race, religion, gender, nationality, or social status, and cannot be revoked by the authority of any state. At this point, the principle of the universality of human rights has far more fundamental implications. If human rights are inherent to human beings simply by virtue of their humanity, then the existence of these rights conceptually precedes the state and does not depend on the state’s recognition, grant, or will. The UDHR thus does not merely extend the protection of rights beyond the boundaries of citizenship, but in principle limits the relationship between rights and the state: a person does not have rights because the state grants them, but rather the state is burdened with obligations because human beings already possess rights. In this sense, the universality of human rights contains a logic that fundamentally limits the state’s claims over human beings. National borders, citizenship, and political sovereignty cannot serve as grounds for determining who is entitled to dignity, freedom, or protection. The problem arises when this principle is simultaneously institutionalized through the international human rights regime, which designates the state as the primary entity mandated to fulfill human rights. Herein lies a tension that goes deeper than mere questions of implementation effectiveness: human rights, in principle, assert that rights take precedence over the state, yet their institutionalization subsequently positions the state as the entity empowered to ensure the fulfillment of those rights. The state, therefore, is no longer merely the object of restrictions but assumes the position of the primary implementer of a mandate that, normatively speaking, never originated from it. Rights that, in principle, belong to human beings are then translated into obligations of the state; something that was not originally granted by the state must ultimately be demanded through the state. This is where the contradiction of the institutionalization of human rights begins to emerge: not in the universality or the principle of liberation inherent in human rights, but in the imposition of this mandate upon the state’s architecture as the primary vehicle for its implementation. This marks a new, more complex phase of development. While the journey from the Magna Carta to the UDHR demonstrated a consistent trend toward narrowing the scope of state dominance through the recognition of individual rights, the modern human rights regime subsequently placed the state in a different position. The state is no longer viewed merely as an entity that must be restricted, but also as the primary duty-bearer responsible for respecting, protecting, and fulfilling these rights. In other words, the state becomes the primary entity held accountable for respecting, protecting, and fulfilling human rights. This is precisely where the most common criticism of the relationship between anarchism and human rights lies: if the fulfillment of human rights depends on the state as the duty-bearer, how can anarchism—which rejects the state as a form of political hierarchy—reconcile itself with human rights? However, this tension can actually be interpreted from the opposite perspective. The dependence of human rights on the state does not in and of itself prove that the state is a prerequisite for human freedom; rather, it reinforces the most fundamental anarchist critique—that the state is an organized concentration of power, which in practice must be continually limited because it has a structural tendency to produce domination and oppression. In this sense, the state’s obligation to respect, fulfill, and protect human rights can be interpreted not as a justification for the state’s existence, but as a normative acknowledgment of the dangers inherent in the concentration of state power itself. This is because the concept stems from a simple yet fundamental assumption: only the state possesses the authority, the monopoly on the legitimate use of force, and the capacity to formulate, enforce, and impose laws on all citizens. Therefore, human rights violations are fundamentally understood as the abuse of public power by the state, whether through active actions such as arbitrary arrest, torture, and the suppression of freedom of expression (by commission) or through the state’s neglect or failure to prevent violations committed by non-state actors (by omission), as explained at the beginning of this article. This framework demonstrates that, from the outset, modern human rights theory was not built on the assumption that the state is inherently a protector of rights. On the contrary, it arose from the recognition that the state is the institution with the greatest capacity to infringe upon human freedom and dignity; therefore, state power must always be limited and subject to oversight. In this sense, the state bears obligations not because it is assumed to be the most moral institution, but precisely because it is the institution with the greatest potential to abuse power. The greater the authority held by the state, the greater the demands of international law to limit the exercise of that authority through human rights norms. However, at the same time, this is precisely what gave rise to the next paradox: the project of human liberation, which from the outset was built upon the limitation of state power, in its subsequent stages actually came to depend largely on the state itself for the realization of those very rights—an irony that arises as a logical consequence of the fact that the institutionalization of human rights as instruments and mechanisms was initiated precisely by the very states that are the root cause of the problems human rights seek to resolve from the outset. Although shrouded in paradox and irony, ultimately, as an introduction, this essay presents one main thesis: anarchism, at the very least, need not import its critique of the state into human rights. For the impulse of anarchism has been inherent from the very beginning in both the history and the conceptual and principled architecture of human rights itself. What subsequently gave rise to the paradox was not the principles of human rights, but rather the historical and political decision to institutionalize this project of liberation through institutions that, from the very beginning, were the primary agents of its oppression.
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 9, 2026 at 9:51 AM
Reposted by Axxs
Sejarah Panjang Pembatasan Kekuasaan menuju Masyarakat Tanpa Dominasi
(Bagian Pertama: Sebuah Pengantar) - Nafas Anarkisme dalam Sejarah Hak Asasi Manusia
Salah satu karakter paling mendasar dari teori hak asasi manusia (HAM) modern adalah penempatan negara sebagai subjek utama pertanggungjawaban. Dalam konstruksi hukum HAM internasional, negara bukan sekadar salah satu aktor yang dapat memengaruhi pemenuhan hak, melainkan institusi yang memikul kewajiban primer untuk menghormati (_to respect_), memenuhi (_to fulfill_), dan memenuhi (_to protect_) hak asasi manusia. Sehingga, dalam diskursus filsafat, hukum dan sosial-politik modern, HAM dan anarkisme kerap dipahami sebagai dua konsep yang saling bertentangan. Keberadaan negara dipandang sebagai prasyarat bagi perlindungan HAM, sementara anarkisme yang menolak hierarki, termasuk negara, dianggap meniadakan kemungkinan pemenuhan hak. Namun, asumsi tersebut menyimpan paradoks yang jarang dipersoalkan. Sejarah HAM hampir selalu diceritakan sebagai sejarah kemajuan peradaban. Narasi yang tentu tidak sepenuhnya keliru, tetapi ia menyisakan satu kesimpulan atas fakta-fakta sejarah yang jarang diperbincangkan:**sepanjang sejarah peradaban, setiap kali negara memperluas kapasitasnya untuk mendominasi manusia, sejarah justru merespons dengan melahirkan seperangkat hak baru untuk membatasi negara.** Pertanyaan ini menggeser cara kita membaca sejarah HAM. Kita kerap melihatnya sebagai sejarah bertambahnya daftar hak, padahal sejarah HAM dapat dibaca sebagai langkah demi langkah upaya pembatasan terhadap kekuasaan. Sebab, setiap kali negara atau monarki atau apapun namanya berupaya memperluas dominasi atas manusia, sejarah merespons dengan mempersempit ruang legitimasi kekuasaan politik tersebut. Sejarah HAM bukanlah sejarah kemurahan hati penguasa, melainkan sejarah panjang ketidakpercayaan manusia terhadap kekuasaan yang tidak dibatasi. Setidak-tidaknya, ada satu premis untuk membuka diskursus ini: jika sedari awal teori HAM itu sendiri menyatakan bahwa pelanggaran HAM secara langsung dipahami sebagai tindakan negara (_by commission_), dan kekerasan dari aktor non-negara diterjemahkan sebagai pelanggaran HAM ketika negara gagal mencegah, menghentikan, menyelidiki, atau memberikan pemulihan atas pelanggaran tersebut (_by omission_), maka sejak awal teori HAM modern dibangun di atas asumsi bahwa ancaman paling serius terhadap kebebasan manusia terletak pada kekuasaan publik yang terinstitusionalisasi, dan ia bernama negara. **Genealogi HAM sebagai Instrumen Pembatasan Dominasi Hierarki Politik** Sejauh ini, jejak paling pertama benang merah asumsi itu dapat ditelusuri sejak abad ke-13 melalui Magna Carta yang ditandatangani Raja John dari Inggris pada tahun 1215, yang sering disebut sebagai salah satu pondasi negara konstitusi modern, bukan karena ia mengakui hak asasi manusia dalam pengertian kontemporer, melainkan karena untuk pertama kalinya seorang penguasa dipaksa menerima bahwa kekuasaannya tidak berada di atas hukum. Klausul _due process of law_ dan larangan perampasan kebebasan tanpa dasar hukum memperlihatkan lahirnya gagasan yang kelak menjadi inti negara hukum: kekuasaan politik harus tunduk pada aturan yang mengikat dirinya sendiri. Magna Carta belum berbicara mengenai kesetaraan universal; sebagian besar ketentuannya bahkan hanya melindungi kelompok bangsawan. Namun signifikansinya terletak pada satu hal yang jauh lebih mendasar: kekuasaan absolut mulai kehilangan legitimasi moralnya. Perjalanan tersebut berlanjut dalam tradisi konstitusional Inggris melalui _Petition of Right_ (1628), _Habeas Corpus Act_ (1679), dan _English Bill of Rights_ (1689). Ketiganya lahir dari konflik panjang antara monarki dan parlemen mengenai batas-batas kewenangan negara. Raja tidak lagi dapat memungut pajak secara sepihak, menahan seseorang tanpa dasar hukum, ataupun menggunakan kekuasaan militer untuk menundukkan warga tanpa pengawasan. Sedikit demi sedikit, ruang gerak kekuasaan dipersempit. Magna Carta pada akhirnya memang tidak mengakhiri absolutisme monarki, tetapi pada porsinya, ia membuka sebuah tradisi konstitusional yang selama berabad-abad setelahnya senantiasa mewujud upaya-upaya mempersempit ruang kekuasaan politik. Setelah penandatanganannya pada tahun 1215, tuntutan agar penguasa tunduk pada hukum berkembang melalui serangkaian instrumen konstitusional di Inggris. _Petition of Rights_ pada 1628 membatasi kewenangan Raja Charles I dengan melarang pemungutan pajak tanpa persetujuan parlemen, penahanan sewenang-wenang, pemaksaan pemondokan tentara di rumah warga, serta pemberlakuan darurat militer pada masa damai. Lima dekade kemudian, persisnya pada 1679, _Habeas Corpus Act_ memperkuat perlindungan terhadap kebebasan individu melalui jaminan bahwa setiap orang yang ditahan berhak segera dihadapkan ke pengadilan untuk menguji legalitas penahanannya, sehingga mempersempit ruang penggunaan kekuasaan koersif secara sewenang-wenang oleh negara, yang puncaknya ditandai dengan lahirnya _English Bill of Rights_ 10 tahun setelahnya, mengakhiri dominasi monarki absolut melalui penegasan supremasi parlemen serta pembatasan prerogatif raja. Dokumen ini melarang raja menangguhkan atau mengabaikan undang-undang tanpa persetujuan parlemen, memungut pajak secara sepihak, membentuk tentara tetap pada masa damai tanpa persetujuan legislatif, maupun menjatuhkan hukuman yang kejam dan tidak lazim (_cruel and unusual punishments_). Bila Magna Carta menanam benih bahwa penguasa tunduk pada hukum, maka _Bill of Rights_ memperluas prinsip tersebut menjadi pondasi pemerintahan konstitusional: legitimasi negara tidak lagi bersumber dari kehendak raja, tetapi dari hukum dan persetujuan politik. Menariknya, tidak satu pun dari tonggak sejarah tersebut lahir karena negara secara sukarela memutuskan untuk membatasi dirinya. Setiap pembatasan selalu merupakan hasil dari krisis politik, konflik sosial, dengan nafas perlawanan terhadap kekejian-kekejian yang lahir dari kekuasaan. Sejarah awal HAM dengan demikian tidak pernah bergerak melalui jalan yang damai. Ia lahir dari benturan antara otoritas yang ingin mempertahankan dominasinya dan masyarakat yang berusaha merebut kembali kebebasannya. Akhir abad ke-18 membawa perubahan yang jauh lebih radikal. Revolusi Amerika menghasilkan _Declaration of Independence_ (1776), yang menyatakan bahwa setiap manusia diciptakan setara dan memiliki hak-hak yang tidak dapat dicabut (_unalienable rights_). Namun revolusi yang paling menentukan arah perkembangan HAM modern justru terjadi di Prancis. Revolusi Prancis pada tahun 1789 tidak sekadar menggulingkan monarki Bourbon, tetapi juga menggugat sumber legitimasi seluruh tatanan politik Eropa. Raja tidak lagi dianggap memperoleh kekuasaan melalui hak ilahi (_divine right of kings_); kedaulatan dipindahkan kepada rakyat. Dalam konteks tersebut lahirlah _Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen_(Deklarasi Hak-Hak Manusia dan Warga Negara) pada 26 Agustus 1789. Deklarasi ini memperkenalkan prinsip-prinsip yang kemudian menjadi bahasa universal HAM: manusia dilahirkan bebas dan setara dalam hak; kebebasan, kepemilikan, keamanan, dan perlawanan terhadap penindasan merupakan hak kodrati; serta hukum hanya sah apabila mencerminkan kehendak umum. Negara tidak lagi dipahami sebagai pemilik manusia, melainkan sebagai institusi yang memperoleh legitimasi sejauh ia menghormati hak-hak mereka. Perkembangan ini menandai perubahan mendasar dalam sejarah politik modern. Jika pada abad pertengahan hukum berfungsi terutama melindungi negara dari rakyatnya, maka sejak Revolusi Prancis hukum mulai diarahkan untuk melindungi rakyat dari negaranya sendiri. Pergeseran inilah yang kemudian menjadi fondasi seluruh perkembangan HAM setelahnya. Dari Magna Carta hingga Deklarasi Prancis, satu pola terus berulang: hak-hak individu, sebagai upaya perebutan kebebasan, berkembang melalui pembatasan terhadap kekuasaan politik. Namun sejarah tidak bergerak lurus menuju kebebasan. Abad ke-19 dan awal abad ke-20 justru memperlihatkan paradoks baru. Negara-negara modern yang telah mengadopsi konstitusi, parlemen, dan berbagai bentuk pemerintahan representatif ternyata juga mengalami ekspansi kekuasaan yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya. Revolusi Industri memperkuat kekuasaan negara bukan karena memperluas legitimasi politiknya, melainkan karena secara drastis meningkatkan kapasitas negara untuk mengendalikan masyarakat. Industrialisasi menghasilkan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang memperbesar penerimaan pajak, memungkinkan pembentukan birokrasi yang lebih kompleks, serta didukung oleh perkembangan teknologi seperti rel kereta api, telegraf, dan produksi massal yang meningkatkan kemampuan negara mengadministrasikan penduduk, memobilisasi sumber daya, dan mengorganisasi kekuatan militer dalam skala yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya. Peningkatan kapasitas negara lewat Revolusi Industri tersebut menjadikan negara modern bukan lagi sekadar penjaga ketertiban, tetapi menjadi mesin administrasi yang mampu mengatur populasi, memobilisasi sumber daya, dan mengorganisasi kekerasan dalam skala yang sebelumnya mustahil dilakukan. Artinya, semakin modern negara, semakin besar pula kapasitasnya untuk mengintervensi kehidupan manusia. Paradoks ini jarang memperoleh perhatian dalam narasi populer mengenai perkembangan HAM. Demokrasi berkembang, konstitusi bertambah, hak-hak sipil diperluas, tetapi pada saat yang sama kapasitas negara untuk melakukan dominasi juga meningkat. Pada gilirannya, menguatnya negara melahirkan dua konsekuensi paling ekstrem yang sebelumnya tak terbayangkan; Perang Dunia I dan Perang Dunia II. Meledaknya Perang Dunia I pada 1914 – 1918 adalah wujud tentang apa yang mampu dilakukan negara modern ketika nasionalisme, industrialisasi, dan militerisme bertemu dalam satu arena. Jutaan manusia dimobilisasi melalui wajib militer, jutaan lainnya tewas akibat teknologi perang yang diproduksi oleh negara-negara industri, sementara seluruh sumber daya masyarakat diarahkan untuk menopang mesin peperangan nasional. Lagi-lagi, pada gilirannya, terjadinya Perang Dunia I sebagai sebuah tragedi keji yang tak pernah terjadi sebelumnya mematahkan tesis bahwa negara sebagai sebuah kekuasaan politik dapat diperbaiki bila bentuknya diubah. Negara tetaplah negara dan kekuasaan tetaplah kekuasaan, yang memiliki hasrat ekspansif. Dan bila hasrat penguasaan itu diupayakan dalam bentuk apapun, ia akan senantiasa hadir dalam wujud penindasan atas manusia. Trauma Perang Dunia I melahirkan keyakinan bahwa sistem hubungan internasional harus diubah. Melalui Perjanjian Versailles di tahun 1919, dibentuklah Liga Bangsa-Bangsa (LBB) sebagai organisasi negara-negara pertama yang bertujuan mencegah perang melalui kerja sama kolektif. LBB dibangun di atas harapan bahwa negara-negara dapat menahan ambisi politiknya melalui mekanisme internasional. Dalam banyak narasi sejarah, pembentukan LBB dipahami sebagai langkah progresif menuju tata dunia yang lebih damai. Namun pembacaan genealogis menunjukkan sesuatu yang berbeda, yang lagi-lagi hampir tak pernah diperbincangkan: Meskipun LBB lahir sebagai bentuk upaya negara menjaga perdamaian, tetapi fakta sejarah utama di balik pembentukannya justru karena negara gagal melakukannya. Keberadaan LBB sendiri merupakan pengakuan bahwa sistem negara berdaulat yang berkembang sejak Perdamaian Westphalia (1648) tidak memiliki mekanisme yang memadai untuk mencegah perang dalam skala global. Dengan kata lain, institusi internasional pertama berisi negara-negara modern tersebut lahir sebagai respons terhadap krisis yang diproduksi oleh, ironisnya, negara-negara modern itu sendiri–sebuah respons sebagai wujud dari harapan yang tidak bertahan lama. Sejarah kemudian mencatat bahwa sepanjang dekade 1930-an, LBB gagal menghentikan invasi Jepang ke Manchuria pada 1931, agresi Italia terhadap Ethiopia pada 1935, maupun ekspansi Nazi Jerman di Eropa. Organisasi yang dibentuk untuk mengendalikan negara justru tidak memiliki kekuatan yang cukup ketika negara-negara anggotanya memilih mengabaikan hukum internasional. Di balik kegagalan itu tersembunyi sebuah kenyataan yang jauh lebih mendasar: tidak ada institusi internasional yang mampu membatasi negara apabila negara sendiri menolak untuk dibatasi. Kegagalan tersebut memuncak tatkala Perang Dunia II pecah, sebuah tragedi sepanjang 1939-1945 yang secara radikal mengubah arah perkembangan hukum internasional dan HAM. Jika Perang Dunia I memperlihatkan kapasitas negara untuk menghancurkan manusia melalui perang industri, maka Perang Dunia II menunjukkan bahwa negara modern juga mampu mengorganisasi kekerasan terhadap rakyatnya sendiri secara sistematis. Holocaust, kamp konsentrasi, pembantaian massal, eksperimen medis terhadap manusia, deportasi paksa, hingga penggunaan bom atom di Hiroshima dan Nagasaki memperlihatkan bahwa ancaman terbesar terhadap kehidupan manusia bukan berasal dari absennya negara, melainkan dari hadirnya negara yang memiliki kekuasaan hampir tanpa batas. Hannah Arendt membaca tragedi tersebut melalui dua karya yang saling melengkapi. Dalam _The Origins of Totalitarianism_ (1951), ia menunjukkan bagaimana negara totaliter menghancurkan perlindungan paling mendasar yang dimiliki manusia dengan mencabut status politik mereka sebagai subjek yang memiliki hak. Ketika seseorang kehilangan perlindungan negara, ia bukan hanya kehilangan kewarganegaraan, tetapi juga kehilangan ruang tempat hak-haknya dapat diakui. Sementara itu, dalam _Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil_ (1963), Arendt memperlihatkan bahwa kejahatan luar biasa tidak selalu lahir dari kebencian pribadi atau kegilaan individu. Adolf Eichmann, seorang Nazi yang bertanggung-jawab atas genosida Holocaust, bukan digambarkan sebagai monster, melainkan sebagai birokrat yang menjalankan pekerjaannya dengan kepatuhan administratif. Kejahatan menjadi banal justru karena ia dijalankan melalui prosedur negara yang tampak biasa, dan kekerasan tidak lagi memerlukan tiran yang haus darah; ia cukup membutuhkan aparatus yang patuh. Meskipun tesis Arendt tersebut menerima banyak kritik, namun setidak-tidaknya tesis tersebut menunjukkan bahwa dalam logika negara menjalankan kekuasaannya, kejahatan adalah hal yang normal. Selama lebih dari tujuh abad, perkembangan HAM memperlihatkan satu kecenderungan yang konsisten: setiap perluasan perlindungan terhadap hak individu selalu diikuti oleh upaya mempersempit ruang legitimasi kekuasaan politik. **Sejarah kemudian memberikan pembenaran yang tragis terhadap alasan di balik kecenderungan tersebut. Ketika negara modern mencapai puncak kapasitas organisasionalnya, umat manusia justru menyaksikan tragedi kemanusiaan terbesar lainnya dalam sejarah modern.** Seperti halnya Perang Dunia I, Perang Dunia II menunjukkan bahwa ancaman terbesar terhadap martabat manusia, lai-lagi, tidak lahir dari absennya negara, melainkan dari hadirnya negara yang memiliki kemampuan hampir tanpa batas untuk mengorganisasi dominasi dan kekerasan. Pengalaman tersebut tidak membuktikan kegagalan gagasan HAM; sebaliknya, ia memperlihatkan bahwa semakin besar kemampuan negara untuk mendominasi, semakin mendesak pula kebutuhan akan seperangkat prinsip universal yang mampu membatasi kekuasaan tersebut. Dengan demikian, sejarah HAM bukanlah sejarah yang runtuh di hadapan negara, melainkan sejarah yang terus berkembang sebagai respons terhadap ekspansi kekuasaan negara itu sendiri. Dari reruntuhan Perang Dunia II lahirlah Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB) pada tahun 1945, diikuti oleh Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia (DUHAM) pada 10 Desember 1948. Kehadiran keduanya, yang sering dipahami sebagai tonggak lahirnya rezim HAM modern, di saat bersamaan juga merepresentasikan pengakuan masyarakat internasional bahwa negara adalah satu-satunya entitas yang mampu melakukan pelanggaran HAM, menjadikannya ancaman paling serius bagi kehidupan, kebebasan, dan martabat manusia. Oleh karena itu, DUHAM tidak semata-mata menyusun katalog hak-hak universal, melainkan menegaskan kembali sebuah prinsip yang telah berkembang sejak Magna Carta: kekuasaan politik hanya memperoleh legitimasi sejauh ia menghormati martabat manusia, dan ketika kekuasaan melampaui batas tersebut, manusialah yang harus didahulukan, bukan negara. Dalam pengertian ini, nafas utama DUHAM tetap merupakan nafas pembebasan manusia dari dominasi politik, yang salah satunya dapat dilihat dari asas universalitas HAM, prinsip dasar bahwa hak-hak dan kebebasan fundamental melekat pada setiap diri manusia di seluruh dunia sejak lahir, tanpa memandang suku, ras, agama, gender, kewarganegaraan, atau status sosial, dan tidak dapat dicabut oleh kekuasaan negara manapun. Di titik ini, prinsip universalitas HAM menghadirkan konsekuensi yang jauh lebih mendasar. Jika hak asasi melekat pada manusia semata-mata karena ia manusia, maka keberadaan hak tersebut secara konseptual mendahului negara dan tidak bergantung pada pengakuan, pemberian, maupun kehendak negara. DUHAM dengan demikian tidak sekadar memperluas perlindungan hak melampaui batas kewarganegaraan, tetapi secara prinsip membatasi hubungan antara hak dan negara: seseorang tidak memiliki hak karena negara memberikannya, melainkan negara dibebani kewajiban karena manusia telah memiliki hak. Dalam pengertian ini, universalitas HAM mengandung logika yang secara fundamental membatasi klaim negara atas manusia. Batas negara, kewarganegaraan, dan kedaulatan politik tidak dapat menjadi alasan untuk menentukan siapa yang berhak atas martabat, kebebasan, atau perlindungan. Persoalannya muncul ketika prinsip tersebut kemudian secara bersamaan dilembagakan melalui rezim HAM internasional yang menjadikan negara sebagai pemegang mandat utama untuk memenuhi hak-hak manusia. Di sinilah terdapat ketegangan yang lebih mendasar daripada sekadar persoalan efektivitas implementasi: **HAM secara prinsip menegaskan bahwa hak mendahului negara, tetapi institusionalisasinya kemudian menempatkan negara sebagai pihak yang diberi kewenangan untuk memastikan pemenuhan hak tersebut.** Negara, dengan demikian, tidak lagi sekadar menjadi objek pembatasan, tetapi memperoleh posisi sebagai pelaksana utama dari mandat yang secara normatif tidak pernah bersumber darinya. Hak yang secara prinsip merupakan milik manusia kemudian diterjemahkan ke dalam kewajiban negara; sesuatu yang pada mulanya tidak diberikan oleh negara akhirnya harus dituntut melalui negara. Di sinilah kontradiksi institusionalisasi HAM mulai terlihat: bukan pada universalitas atau prinsip pembebasan yang dikandung HAM, melainkan pada pemaksaan mandat tersebut ke dalam arsitektur negara sebagai medium utama pelaksanaannya. Hal tersebut menandakan sebuah babak perkembangan yang lebih kompleks. Jika perjalanan dari Magna Carta hingga DUHAM menunjukkan konsistensi dalam mempersempit ruang dominasi negara melalui pengakuan atas hak-hak individu, maka rezim HAM modern kemudian menempatkan negara pada posisi yang berbeda. Negara tidak lagi dipandang semata sebagai entitas yang harus dibatasi, tetapi juga sebagai pemikul tanggung jawab utama (_duty bearer_) untuk menghormati, melindungi, dan memenuhi hak-hak tersebut. Dengan kata lain, negara menjadi subjek utama yang dimintai pertanggungjawaban atas penghormatan, perlindungan, dan pemenuhan HAM. Di sinilah titik kritik yang paling sering diajukan terhadap relasi anarkisme dan HAM: jika pemenuhan HAM bergantung pada negara sebagai pemegang kewajiban, bagaimana mungkin anarkisme—yang menolak negara sebagai bentuk hierarki politik—dapat berdamai dengan HAM? Namun, ketegangan tersebut justru dapat dibaca dari arah sebaliknya. Ketergantungan HAM kepada negara tidak dengan sendirinya membuktikan bahwa negara merupakan prasyarat bagi kebebasan manusia; ia justru menegaskan kritik anarkis yang paling mendasar, bahwa negara adalah konsentrasi kekuasaan yang terorganisasi, yang dalam praktiknya terus-menerus harus dibatasi karena memiliki kecenderungan struktural untuk menghasilkan dominasi dan penindasan. **Dalam pengertian ini, kewajiban negara untuk menghormati, memenuhi, dan melindungi HAM dapat dibaca bukan sebagai pembenaran atas keberadaan negara, melainkan sebagai pengakuan normatif atas bahaya yang inheren dalam konsentrasi kekuasaan negara itu sendiri.** Sebab, konsepsi tersebut berangkat dari asumsi yang sederhana namun fundamental: hanya negara yang memiliki otoritas, monopoli penggunaan kekerasan yang sah, serta kapasitas untuk membentuk, menjalankan, dan memaksakan hukum terhadap seluruh warga negara. Oleh karena itu, pelanggaran HAM pada dasarnya dipahami sebagai penyalahgunaan kekuasaan publik oleh negara, baik melalui tindakan aktif seperti penangkapan sewenang-wenang, penyiksaan, pembungkaman kebebasan berekspresi (_by commission_) maupun pengabaian atau pembiaran dari terjadinya pelanggaran yang dilakukan aktor-aktor non-negara (_by omission_), sebagaimana telah dijelaskan di awal artikel. Konstruksi tersebut menunjukkan bahwa sejak awal teori HAM modern tidak dibangun di atas anggapan bahwa negara merupakan pelindung hak secara inheren. Sebaliknya, ia lahir dari kesadaran bahwa negara merupakan institusi dengan kapasitas paling besar untuk mencederai kebebasan dan martabat manusia, sehingga kekuasaan negara harus senantiasa dibatasi dan diawasi. Dalam pengertian ini, negara memperoleh kewajiban bukan karena diasumsikan sebagai institusi yang paling bermoral, melainkan justru karena ia merupakan institusi yang memiliki potensi terbesar untuk menyalahgunakan kekuasaan. Semakin besar otoritas yang dimiliki negara, semakin besar pula tuntutan hukum internasional untuk membatasi penggunaan otoritas tersebut melalui norma-norma hak asasi manusia. Namun, di saat bersamaan pula, hal ini yang justru kemudian melahirkan paradoks berikutnya: proyek pembebasan manusia yang sejak awal dibangun melalui pembatasan kekuasaan negara, pada tahap selanjutnya justru menggantungkan sebagian besar realisasi hak-haknya kepada negara itu sendiri–sebuah ironi yang hadir sebagai konsekuensi logis dari fakta bahwa pelembagaan HAM sebagai instrumen dan mekanisme diinisiasi justru oleh negara-negara yang menjadi biang keladi dari masalah-masalah yang coba diselesaikan oleh HAM sejak dari prinsip. Meskipun diselimuti paradoks dan ironi, pada akhirnya, sebagai pengantar, tulisan ini menghadirkan satu tesis utama: anarkisme, setidak-tidaknya, tidak perlu mengimpor kritik terhadap negara ke dalam HAM. Sebab, nafas anarkisme itu yang sedari awal telah terkandung dalam sejarah maupun arsitektur konseptual dan prinsipil HAM itu sendiri. Yang kemudian melahirkan paradoks bukanlah prinsip HAM, melainkan keputusan historis dan politis untuk melembagakan proyek pembebasan tersebut melalui institusi yang sejak awal menjadi pelaku utama penindasannya.
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 9, 2026 at 9:41 AM
Reposted by Axxs
In the long historical trajectory of human civilization, two primary forces have most extensively controlled and shackled the human mind and society: capitalism and institutional religion. In this critical and complex era of the twenty-first century, both of these forces have reached the […]
The Bankruptcy of Capitalism and Religion, and the Revolutionary Journey of Anarcho-Syndicalism
In the long historical trajectory of human civilization, two primary forces have most extensively controlled and shackled the human mind and society: capitalism and institutional religion. In this critical and complex era of the twenty-first century, both of these forces have reached the absolute limit of their all-encompassing failure. The mechanical profit-centrism of capitalism and the blind dogmas and opium of the fear of the hereafter propagated by religion have jointly cast human civilization into a bottomless abyss of endless emptiness and repression. From this historical and theoretical vacuum emerges anarcho-syndicalism, like an indomitable Promethean force. Interpreting anarko-syndicalism merely as a conventional political doctrine or an outline for a mere shift in governance power fails to capture its true depth. It is fundamentally an all-encompassing intellectual manifesto for liberating human existence from the primal and relentless crisis of being shackled by the triple chains of the state, capital, and religion. Wherever profit-centric capitalism has commodified human labor and turned the human soul into a slave to machines, and wherever institutional religions have blocked the path of human worldly liberation and independent wisdom by shrouding it in the fear of the hereafter and unrealistic illusions, anacho-syndicalism steps forward with the message of a revolutionary perspective. The core objective of this philosophy is a cohesive theoretical transformation aimed at liberating human society—trapped in the nets of the primal struggle for existence, psychological repression, the commercialization of education, the tragedy of love, and religious superstition. Standing in opposition to the mechanical millstones of capitalism and the invisible prison cells of religion, anarko-syndicalism does not merely speak of the narrow boundary of economic rights; rather, it lays the philosophical foundation for humanity's total liberation, the re-establishment of self-identity, and the creation of a self-governed, egalitarian world order. ### 1. The Mechanical Millstone of Capitalism and the Commodification of Human Existence The primary and fundamental machination of the capitalist mode of production and its derivative corporate culture is to completely transform human existence, reducing it merely to an economic productive force or an element of bone-breaking labor. From childhood, the way the younger generation is imprisoned in the mechanical chains of rote learning within the institutional factory called "education," driven behind the golden deer of GPAs, certificates, or degrees, and having their creative minds crippled, operates as a far-reaching economic exploitation machinery. This educational system does not create free-thinking humans; rather, it produces an army of loyal, low-wage corporate slaves whose sole purpose in life is to keep the profit wheels of the owning class turning and to sell themselves off according to market demands. When continuous unemployment, the severe blows of inflation, the endless trap of student loans, and the humiliation of constant defeat in the struggle for survival combine with this, modern humans transform into the exact embodiment of Sisyphus from Greek mythology. Much like the endless and meaningless labor of pushing a stone up a mountain peak, the life of the modern working-class person has today been reduced to a futile daily struggle for mere survival. Individuals here hold no control over their own labor; they are merely minor spare parts of a larger production machine that can easily be replaced once worn out. Simultaneously, the capitalist social system has also commodified human love and psychological longing. The pure and undefiled form of love that was supposed to blossom in human hearts as a remedy for primal loneliness has today been lost behind the glare and artificiality of market economics. That heavenly feeling of love—whether it be Platonic ideals or the immortal longing to love a beloved from afar—has now been reduced into a passing, cheap, and transient thrill wrapped in the commercial packaging of corporate culture. In the era of dating apps, Valentine's Day marketing, and social media likes and comments, love has transformed into a mere commodity for purchase. When individuals become utterly disillusioned by this mechanical, self-centered, and loveless reality, the state and capitalist system push them toward the mirages of narcotics, pop-culture frenzies, the addiction of consumerism, or mechanical orgasms to provide temporary relief. However, these artificial veneers can never erase the internal primal loneliness and existential crisis within humans; instead, they deepen and intensify the crisis further. Individuals suffer from a deep sense of alienation within themselves, slowly turning them into mechanical puppets. ### 2. The Institutional Form of Religion, Patriarchal Repression, and the Prison of Superstition On the other hand, the institutional forms of religion and their dogmas have consistently played a conservative, erroneous, and repressive role in this long journey toward human liberation. Since ancient times, under the guise of explaining the mysteries of the physical world and nature surrounding humans, religion has trapped them in a web of miraculous, unscientific, and immutable decrees that have brutally suppressed independent human thought, curiosity, and creative essence. Whenever religion has assumed an institutional form, it has transformed into a center of power, joining hands with the ruling class to bind ordinary people in the chains of mental subjugation. In particular, the joint snare of the patriarchal social system and religious decrees imposing absolute control over women is one of the deepest tragedies in the history of human civilization. Society has long sustained through the guise of religion all psychological maneuvers—such as social certificates of chastity, blind and unscientific superstitions built around menstruation, barbaric practices like female genital mutilation prevalent in various cultures, and the labeling of women as subordinate property or slaves to men. By using various metaphors of heavenly scriptures and the terrifying fear of hellfire and divine punishment in the afterlife, all legitimate rights of humans in this earthly life, protests against injustice, and rebellious desires have been strangled to death. Consequently, whenever individuals attempted to question this social exploitation using their intellect, conscience, and scientific vision, they were dragged before religious tribunals and branded as "atheists," "deviants," or "temptations of Satan." They were stripped of all social dignity or driven toward physical elimination. This strange and sinister alliance between religion and capitalism has cast humanity into an eternal conflict, where people on one hand desire the development of their free intellectual self, while on the other hand, the fear of religion and the greed of capital drag them down into the bottomless abyss of repression. Religion keeps humans dependent by making them lose faith in their own strength, trapping them in illusions of miraculous salvation, which ultimately serves the interests of the exploiters. ### 3. The Theoretical Foundation of Anarcho-Syndicalism and a Stateless Society Upon the soil of this dialectical and harsh reality, anarcho-syndicalism initiates its historical journey as an indomitable alternative. Unlike Marxism or other centralized state-socialisms, anarcho-syndicalism does not believe in any compromises or bureaucratic illusions of seizing state power. Historical experience has proven that smashing the bourgeois state apparatus and establishing another all-encompassing centralized state in the name of the working class or revolution leads to the centralization of power and births a new bureaucratic ruling class, which ultimately continues to exploit ordinary people just as before. The core philosophy of anarcho-syndicalism is that the state itself is a repressive, bureaucratic, and exploitative machine; therefore, true human liberation is impossible by keeping the state intact or merely changing hands at the helm. The state maintains oppressive institutions like the police, military, courts, and prisons for its own interests. Thus, rather than reforming or capturing the state, its main goal is its complete abolition and the establishment of a decentralized, self-governing society. Anarcho-syndicalism relies directly on the direct solidarity, unions, or syndicates of the working class and ordinary people. Here, all means of production and distribution—factories, land, technology, transport, and social wealth—will not be monopolized by any capitalist owners or a central government, but will instead be managed directly under the cooperative and democratic control of producers and working people. Factory workers will themselves decide how production will be run, how profits will be distributed, and what the working environment will be like. There will be no intermediaries or capitalist exploiters. The full dignity and fruits of labor will rest directly in the hands of the workers. ### 4. Rejection of Political Intermediaries and the Movement for Free Intellectual Cultivation In this philosophy, there is no need for political intermediaries, parliamentary farces, or so-called revolutionary leaders; instead, every individual becomes the full owner of their own labor and the definitive architect of their own destiny. Parliamentary democracy or political party-based governance is essentially a subtle corporate farce designed to deceive ordinary people, where only the faces of the exploiters change every five years while the fundamental structural form of exploitation remains unchanged. Anarcho-syndicalism completely rejects this parliamentary hypocrisy and calls for direct democracy, where ordinary people solve their problems through direct discussion within their respective workplaces and communities. Anarcho-syndicalism seeks to uproot this vicious cycle of capitalist exploitation from its very roots, ensuring that no more humans have to endure the endless and meaningless agony of pushing stones up mountain peaks like Sisyphus. Rejecting the commercialization of institutional education, it demands an environment of free intellectual cultivation that molds individuals not into corporate robots, but into independent thinkers, rationalists, and creative beings. Anarcho-syndicalism advocates for a type of humane education where there is freedom to question, an unhindered flow of thought, and a harmonious relationship between humans and nature. At the same time, anarko-syndicalism declares an uncompromising rebellion against all social superstitions, patriarchal oppression, and psychological repression carried out in the name of religion. This philosophy holds that social and economic liberation can never be complete without the psychological liberation of human beings. To free humans from the joint prison of religion and capitalism, one must cast off internal blind faith, fear, and dependency-driven mentalities, fostering an independent and rational mindset instead. ### 5. Conclusion: The Infinite Journey of Liberation Therefore, when individuals stand at the threshold of self-realization, having pierced through the debris of this long-standing bankruptcy, hypocrisy, and failure of capitalism and religion, they perceive only a single, wide path of liberation—the egalitarian and free journey of anarcho-syndicalism. This is not merely a reconstruction of conventional political or economic theory; it is an incessant intellectual and revolutionary struggle to gloriously reclaim that naked and supreme "truth" hidden at the bottom of the well from the most ancient gardens of human civilization. This is a struggle that bestows upon humanity its true human dignity, freedom, and the taste of eternal liberation. Breaking the artificial chains of capitalism and religion, when humanity can establish full control over its own labor, wisdom, and love, the true golden age of human history will dawn—where there will be no exploiters and no exploited, leaving only a free, egalitarian, and self-governing global human society.
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 9, 2026 at 12:46 AM
Reposted by Axxs
Theology has, since its beginning, rooted itself in a demand for creation. This is so much so that creation myths are identified by scholars as a primary form in world mythology. Since human beings could examine the world they live in they have wondered where it came from. In pre-scientific […]
Against the Unmoved Mover
Theology has, since its beginning, rooted itself in a demand for _creation_. This is so much so that _creation myths_ are identified by scholars as a primary form in world mythology. Since human beings could examine the world they live in they have wondered where it came from. In pre-scientific times it was natural to imagine some very powerful agent that preceded this realm and the agents that now live in it that brought about the latter in a display of divine power. In post-scientific revolution modernity we have a scientific cosmology which traces the origins of the universe to an extremely hot and dense incarnation of matter and energy. We don't yet know whether this was the temporal beginning of nature, or whether there were infinitely many "big bangs" before this. Instead of ceding to scientific cosmology theology has repeated essentially the same demands it has always made for a creation myth. Cosmological arguments for God's existence go back to ancient and medieval philosophy and aim to show that the universe is dependent on God's nature/creative act. A foundational version of the argument is Aristotle's unmoved mover. According to Aristotle all objects combine unformed matter with principles of intelligibility and purpose called _form_. All substances were combinations of matter and form and explanation had to be broken down into a description of the matter that made things up (material cause), the form of the thing (formal cause), the efficient cause (that which brought the unity of matter and form about), and the final cause (the end for which the unity is brought about). Since the unity of matter and form explained the actualization of possibility there was a need to explain how this process of actualization got its start. Merely positing an infinity of actualized potentials isn't to explain actualization, but merely to reassert it's existence. Thus Aristotle posited the unmoved mover; a divine and already always actual being who imbued the world with potentiality. Today Aristotle's argument isn't much talked about in the philosophy of religion, but remains a threat for secular analytic philosophers who seek to defend Aristotle's "hylomorphic" view of substance. The unmoved mover anticipates later "contingency arguments" found in medieval thinkers such as Aquinas and Ibn Sina. The contingency argument, still talked about in analytic philosophy of religion circles, observes the existence of things which didn't have to exist (contingency, or contingent being). It then asks for an explanation of contingent being. Again, merely invoking an infinite regress of contingency would repeat that which is to be explained. Thus a necessary being, one which could not fail to exist, must be invoked to explain contingent being. God, defined as a being who created the world and couldn't fail to exist, naturally fits the bill. Recently apologists have souped up another cosmological argument from medieval Islam known as the Kalam. The argument asserts the beginning of the universe and the need for all things which begin to be caused to begin. Support is marshaled for each premise. It is noted that one can not form an actually infinite set simply by moving from one number to the other, so supposedly we would not be able to get from the past to now if the number of past moments is actually infinite. It is also pointed out that according to relativity all space times which have on average been expanding (which would include ours) have a finite starting point at _t.0_. Further, it is argued that if things could begin to exist without cause then there would be nothing to stop random things from popping into existence all the time. With the development of modern science philosophy and theology itself began to resist the idea of the unmoved mover. Famously the Sephardic Jewish philosopher Benedict Spinoza offered a version of naturalistic pantheism in which nature is the impassable cause of all things. In titanic German Idealist Hegel nature losses its impassable character when, explicitly critiquing Spinoza, Hegel envisions a natural totality that in constituting all reality brings together substance (the physical world) and subject (human experience). Hegel _recast_ the cosmological argument (as he did all other arguments for God) to transform it into an apparatus for demonstrating the unity of substance and subject, rather than a supernatural creator. Instead of assuming the principle of sufficient reason PSR, supposed by the original contingency argument and which in strong form posits that all facts have sufficient explanations, Hegel assumes a principle of ground PG. According to PG its not that all facts have sufficient explanations, but that every particular fact has a determinate relation to the whole in which it is part. Thus instead of taking on a burden to sufficiently explain every fact we find we take on the weaker burden of explaining how all particular facts are related to the total reality. As such, for Hegel necessity and contingency are not two opposed ontological categories (ontology being the study of being). Instead they are fundamentally connected so that necessity is the result of contingency and vice versa given that the existence of contingent facts necessitate further facts about how the world must be if those contingent facts are to obtain. An example is that for me to write this article it must be the case that I have familiarized myself with the ideas of Hegel. The recast cosmological inference creates an understanding of contingency and necessity which integrates the two together in a unified ontological picture which limits itself to empirically discoverable truths about the natural world. The simplicity and unification of this picture makes it preferable to the un-recast cosmological inference which imposes an abstract demand for a separate ontological category of necessity distinct from empirically observable contingent reality. In doing so Hegel's recasting of the cosmological argument eliminates the need for a supernatural first cause for all that is. Similarly Hegel's idea of the concrete universal transcends Aristotle's hylomorphic basis for the unmoved mover. Whereas for Aristotle properties and the particular objects that posses them as attributes are brought together by combinations of matter and form known as substances, universal and particular come together in Hegel's system via the concrete universal. To understand this we should take a detour through some basic metaphysics (philosophy dealing with the nature of reality at large) of objects which philosophers have puzzled over from Aristotle, to the scholastics, through to contemporary analytic philosophy. Take the shirt you are wearing right now, or any other article of clothing for that matter. Suppose its red. Your shirt is red, but a bunch of other stuff is red, including balls, soda cans, and shoes. How is this true? How can a feature like _redness_ be instantiated (exemplified) in multiple different objects all spatially discontinuous from each other? What is _redness_ to begin with? One way of answering this question is to say that attributes, or properties such as redness that are instantiated in particulars such as a ball, or your shirt, are _universals_. That is to say properties are actually existing objects whose nature is to be instantiated in different particular objects. The other basic way to answer the question is to say that there aren't any universals, but just ways of differentiating particulars from each other. So the redness in your shirt, or ball, isn't a _real_ thing, its just a way of distinguishing your shirt and the ball as particulars from other particulars. The view on which universals exist is called _realism_ about universals and the view on which they don't is called _nominalism_. Realism comes in _transcendent_ and _immanent_ varieties (sometimes called ante rem and in rebus respectively). Transcendent realism, associated with Plato, is the view that universals are _abstract objects_ ; non-causal entities that exist without space, or time, that are then exemplified in the spatiotemporal world. Immanent realism, associated with Aristotle, is the view that universals are not abstract objects, but instead entities that inhere in the particular objects that exemplify them. Whereas Plato thought that there was a realm of perfect _forms_ in which the perfected versions of universals exist Aristotle, as we noted, saw form as the principle of intelligibility that gave shape to the matter of a substance. Plato actually did think that the forms stood in casual relations to their bearers, but because this relation would have to be rather obscure contemporary transcendent realists maintain the acausal nature of universals. There are also different types of nominalism corresponding to different ways of explaining how distinctions between particulars are made without reference to universals, but we won't run down the list here as this would take us far afield. The virtue of realism is supposed to be that it explains the relation between properties and their bearers, whereas the virtue of nominalism is suppose to be that by axing properties as real entities we need not add in new weird objects to our ontology. However while this Ockham's razor style move (William of Ockham was himself a nominalist) has something to recommend it it seems that axing properties really is just axing the data we are trying to account for. Instead of accounting for an observed relation between attributes and their bearers we simply deny the relation exists. One way to appreciate the force of this criticism is via the concept of a _bare particular_. A bare particular is a particular with no distinguishing attributes. Its very hard to get a grip on what a bare particular is because it lacks attributes. If nominalism is true then in some ultimate sense all particulars are bare particulars, or we have to insist that there is something about particulars that distinguishes them. However, the natural way to express that is to say they have attributes, but that is what in the ultimate sense nominalism denies. So it seems that nominalism would have difficulty saying what it is that makes particulars not bare and if it admits that they are then its hard to see what nominalism is even saying when it says that there are only particulars. Hegel expresses the point this way in his first major work _Phenomenology of Spirit_ :_ Those who put forward such assertions really themselves say, if we bear in mind what we remarked before, the direct opposite of what they mean: a fact which is perhaps best able to bring them to reflect on the nature of the certainty of sense-experience. They speak of the “existence” of external objects, which can be more precisely characterized as actual, absolutely particular, wholly personal, individual things, each of them not like anything or anyone else; this is the existence which they say has absolute certainty and truth. They “mean” this bit of paper I am writing on, or rather have written on: but they do not say what they “mean”. If they really wanted to say this bit of paper which they “mean”, and they wanted to say so, that is impossible, because the This of sense, which is “meant”, cannot be reached by language, which belongs to consciousness, i.e. to what is inherently universal. In the very attempt to say it, it would, therefore, crumble in their hands; those who have begun to describe it would not be able to finish doing so: they would have to hand it over to others, who would themselves in the last resort have to confess to speaking about a thing that has no being. They mean, then, doubtless this bit of paper here, which is quite different from that bit over there; but they speak of actual things, external or sensible objects, absolutely individual, real, and so on; that is, they say about them what is simply universal. Consequently what is called unspeakable is nothing else than what is untrue, irrational, something barely and simply meant._ _If nothing is said of a thing except that it is an actual thing, an external object, this only makes it the most universal of all possible things, and thereby we express its likeness, its identity, with everything, rather than its difference from everything else. When I say “an individual thing”, I at once state it to be really quite a universal, for everything is an individual thing: and in the same way “this thing” is everything and anything we like. More precisely, as this bit of paper, each and every paper is a “this bit of paper”, and I have thus said all the while what is universal. If I want, however, to help out speech – which has the divine nature of directly turning the mere “meaning” right round about, making it into something else, and so not letting it ever come the length of words at all – by pointing out this bit of paper, then I get the experience of what is, in point of fact, the real truth of sense-certainty. I point it out as a Here, which is a Here of other Heres, or is in itself simply many Heres together, i.e. is a universal. I take it up then, as in truth it is; and instead of knowing something immediate, I “take” something “truly”, I per-ceive (wahrnehme, per-cipio)._ Another way of understanding the point is to take the variety of nominalism known as _concept-nominalism_. According to concept-nominalism what distinguishes particulars is a concept, so attributes like _redness_ are really just mental states that represent particulars in certain ways. However one has to ask what is actually being represented. There is no universal corresponding to redness so if the redness concept is not misrepresenting particulars what could it possibly be representing about them? Thus we may judge realism to be preferable to nominalism. Hegel also develops an argument in favor of in rebus/immanent/Aristotelian realism over ante rem/transcendent/Platonic realism. He points out that if universals are beyond the particulars that exemplify them then it seems strange that we could _perceive_ that an object exemplifies a universal. If there is no necessary connection between the universal and our perceptual experience of particulars then it doesn't seem like we can say with any confidence whether a universal is instantiated in a particular. However, if universals _transcend_ particulars in that the universal is not what we are interacting with perceptually when we experience particulars, then no necessary connection between our perceptual data and the universal seem apparent. Thus in order to preserve the correctness of our attributions of universals Hegel declares that we must accept in rebus realism so that there is a necessary connection between the particular and the perceptions we have of it under the right conditions and the universal itself. On Aristotle's hylomorphic version of in rebus realism we are left with the question of how form and matter ultimately combine to form substances that actualize possibilities. This problem leads Aristotle to the unmoved mover. Hegel takes a different approach to immanent realism that does not require a purely actual first mover. In Hegel's metaphysics PG demands that our picture of the world ultimately ground all particular determinate facts in a global network of mutually constitutive relations. That means that every universal is already embedded in a larger concrete structure of particulars so that it is possible to describe all existing universals as immediately and immanently exemplified in the one unitary concrete structure; the _concrete universal_. Therefore there is no need for separate categories of form and matter that must be brought together by a third category substance which then must be explained by the unmoved mover. The concrete universal already contains the development of all universal categories. In the case of the Kalam cosmological argument, while it is widely discussed in philosophy of religion literature, it has little to recommend it's premises. The mere existence of a uncaused starting point of, say, spacetime, would not thereby necessitate that anything and everything randomly pops into existence out of thin air. There is also just no need to traverse the infinite past because there is no finite starting point from which to traverse; there is by hypothesis no beginning. While the BVG Theorum does in fact demonstrate from relativity that on average expanding spacetimes do go back to a finite _t.0_ the initial singularity, particularly the quantum effects that predominate near it, can't be explained by relativity. This is in fact precisely one of the areas in which relativity is reaching its limits as a physical theory. Additional thought experiments have to been used to try to refute the existence of a beginningless past such as Hilbert's Hotel in which a hotel with infinite rooms can always accommodate new guests just by moving the infinitely many guests down one room, or the Grim Reaper Paradox in which given that an infinite number of grim reapers has been instructed to kill you before midnight it is the case that you both will and won't be killed by a grim reaper since before any grim reaper could kill you another grim reaper would have already done it. None of these paradoxes straight forwardly proceed from the mere assumption of an infinite past and some of them, such as Hilbert's hotel, are actually just completely consistent results of set theory where all members of an infinite set corresponding to the natural numbers (that is 1,2,3..) can be put in one to one correspondence with each other (that is can be lined up with each other). A major theme running throughout socialist philosophy is the self-sufficiency of nature. Since the socialists wanted to pull ultimate meaning down from heaven and place it squarely within earthly existence they variously argued that nature need not derive from any supernatural causes. In his _Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1848_ Marx makes the fallowing point in the style of a Platonic dialogue: _Now it is certainly easy to say to the single individual what Aristotle has already said: You have been begotten by your father and your mother; therefore in you the mating of two human beings – a species-act of human beings – has produced the human being. You see, therefore, that even physically man owes his existence to man. Therefore you must not only keep sight of the one aspect – the infinite progression which leads you further to inquire: Who begot my father? Who his grandfather? etc. You must also hold on to the circular movement sensuously perceptible in that progress by which man repeats himself in procreation, man thus always remaining the subject. You will reply, however: I grant you this circular movement; now grant me the progress which drives me ever further until I ask: Who begot the first man, and nature as a whole? I can only answer you: Your question is itself a product of abstraction. Ask yourself how you arrived at that question. Ask yourself whether your question is not posed from a standpoint to which I cannot reply, because it is wrongly put. Ask yourself whether that progress as such exists for a reasonable mind. When you ask about the creation of nature and man, you are abstracting, in so doing, from man and nature. You postulate them as non-existent, and yet you want me to prove them to you as existing. Now I say to you: Give up your abstraction and you will also give up your question. Or if you want to hold on to your abstraction, then be consistent, and if you think of man and nature as non-existent, ||XI| then think of yourself as non-existent, for you too are surely nature and man. Don’t think, don’t ask me, for as soon as you think and ask, your abstraction from the existence of nature and man has no meaning. Or are you such an egotist that you conceive everything as nothing, and yet want yourself to exist?_ _You can reply: I do not want to postulate the nothingness of nature, etc. I ask you about its genesis, just as I ask the anatomist about the formation of bones, etc._ _But since for the socialist man the entire so-called history of the world is nothing but the creation of man through human labour, nothing but the emergence of nature for man, so he has the visible, irrefutable proof of his birth through himself, of his genesis. Since the real existence of man and nature has become evident in practice, through sense experience, because man has thus become evident for man as the being of nature, and nature for man as the being of man, the question about an alien being, about a being above nature and man – a question which implies the admission of the unreality of nature and of man – has become impossible in practice._ Atheism_, as the denial of this unreality, has no longer any meaning, for atheism is a negation of God, and postulates the existence of man through this negation; but socialism as socialism no longer stands in any need of such a mediation. It proceeds from the theoretically and practically sensuous consciousness of man and of nature as the essence. Socialism is man’s positive self-consciousness, no longer mediated through the abolition of religion, just as real life is man’s positive reality, no longer mediated through the abolition of private property, through communism. Communism is the position as the negation of the negation, and is hence the actual phase necessary for the next stage of historical development in the process of human emancipation and rehabilitation. Communism is the necessary form and the dynamic principle of the immediate future, but communism as such is not the goal of human development, the form of human society._ The point Marx makes here, under the influence of Hegel's naturalistic approach to questions of theology and metaphysics, as well as the development of modern natural and social science, is that the mere demand nature be casually explained by something else is a demand so abstract as to be devoid of intellectual content. The modern picture of nature as operating according to its own internal regularities provides a framework for interpreting all phenomena as immanent results of natural processes which has a glorious empirical track record within the sciences. It seems to just miss the point, to abstract from the totality of evidence, to continue to demand that nature had its origin from somewhere, or something else. Marx makes the same point in his doctoral dissertation on Greek atomism. He criticizes commentators on Epicurus who claim that the latter has failed to explain the inherent atomic motion that accounts for the differentiation between living and non-living systems on the basis that Epicurus' whole point was to propose a starting point of atoms in motion that then accounts for the distinctions in nature. To ask for some further explanation for this inherent motion would be begging the question; simply presuming from the outset that atoms in motion can't be the starting point which is what the critic of Epicurus would have to _establish_ in order to make a salient critique. Marx's Anarchist rival Mikhail Bakunin makes a similar argument for the self-sufficiency of nature in his most famous (and yet unfinished) work _God and the State_ : _We may answer that the matter of which materialists speak, matter spontaneously and eternally mobile, active, productive, matter chemically or organically determined and manifested by the properties or forces, mechanical, physical, animal, and intelligent, which necessarily belong to it - that this matter has nothing in common with the vile matter of the idealists. The latter, a product of their false abstraction, is indeed a stupid, inanimate, immobile thing, incapable of giving birth to the smallest product, a caput mortuum, an ugly fancy in contrast to the beautiful fancy which they call God; as the opposite of this supreme being, matter, their matter, stripped by that constitutes its real nature, necessarily represents supreme nothingness. They have taken away intelligence, life, all its determining qualities, active relations or forces, motion itself, without which matter would not even have weight, leaving it nothing but impenetrability and absolute immobility in space; they have attributed all these natural forces, properties, and manifestations to the imaginary being created by their abstract fancy; then, interchanging rules, they have called this product of their imagination, this phantom, this God who is nothing, "supreme Being" and, as a necessary consequence, have declared that the real being, matter, the world, is nothing. After which they gravely tell us that this matter is incapable of producing anything, not even of setting itself in motion, and consequently must have been created by their God. The gradual development of the material world, as well as of organic animal life and of the historically progressive intelligence of man, individually or socially, is perfectly conceivable. It is a wholly natural movement from the simple to the complex, from the lower to the higher, from the inferior to the superior; a movement in conformity with all our daily experiences, and consequently in conformity also with our natural logic, with the distinctive laws of our mind, which being formed and developed only by the aid of these same experiences; is, so to speak, but the mental, cerebral reproduction or reflected summary thereof._ In his _Modern Science and Anarchism_ the father of Anarchist Communism Peter Kropotkin likewise argued the empirical evidence for the self-sufficiency of nature: _When the thinkers of the eighteenth century turned from the realm of stars and physical phenomena to the world of chemical changes, or from physics and chemistry to the study of plants and animals, or from botany and zoology to the development of economical and political forms of social life and to religions among men,—they never thought of changing their method of investigation. To all branches of knowledge they applied that same inductive method. And nowhere, not even in the domain of moral concepts, did they come upon any point where this method proved inadequate. Even in the sphere of moral concepts they felt no need of resorting again either to metaphysical suppositions ("God," "immortal soul," "vital force," "a categorical imperative" decreed from above, and the like), or of exchanging the inductive method for some other, scholastic method. They thus endeavored to explain the whole world --all its phenomena --in the same natural-scientific way. The encyclopædists compiled their monumental encyclopædia, Laplace wrote his "System of the World," and Holbach "The System of Nature;" Lavoisier brought forward the theory of the indestructibility of matter, and therefore also of energy or motion (Lomonósoff was at the same time outlining the mechanical theory of heat_ _2_ _); Lamarck undertook to explain the formation of new species through the accumulation of variations due to environment; Diderot was furnishing an explanation of morality, customs, and religions requiring no inspiration from without; Rousseau was attempting to explain the origin of political institutions by means of a social contract--that is, an act of man's free will.... In short, there was no branch of science which the thinkers of the eighteenth century had not begun to treat on the basis of material phenomena--and all by that same inductive method._ As such the concept of the unmoved mover, divine/supernatural creation of the world, the uncaused cause in the theological sense, is an abstraction away from real life. Sources https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/cosmology-theology/ An Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion, Murray and Rea Hegel's Recasting of the Theological Proofs, Williams Metaphysics: The Basics, Rea Marx's Ethical Vision, Wills Hegel, Fritzman https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/pantheism/ https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/sufficient-reason/
redandblackanarchists.com.au
August 7, 2026 at 7:58 AM
Reposted by Axxs
In the past I have asserted that Anarchism has historically usually dovetailed with naturalistic philosophy and that this is because it is the framework most amenable to shaping Anarchist commitments into a coherent world picture. As I've said the basic reason for this is that Anarchism centers […]
Anarchism and Naturalism
In the past I have asserted that Anarchism has historically usually dovetailed with naturalistic philosophy and that this is because it is the framework most amenable to shaping Anarchist commitments into a coherent world picture. As I've said the basic reason for this is that Anarchism centers the meaning and understanding of human life in the activity of human social animals within the natural environment. It therefore approaches issues of human knowledge and conduct through the scientific investigation of human society and the regularities of the physical universe. This is what classical Anarchist thinker Peter Kropotkin had in mind when he described Anarchism as a scientific doctrine. In what follows I wish to explore naturalistic philosophy more from an Anarchist perspective including providing a defense for its basic tenets. Naturalism is the view that nature exhausts reality, meaning that there are no supernatural, or non-natural entities, and that therefore philosophy should restrict its theoretical content to that which is made plausible by the best scientific understanding of the world. Here definitional difficulties immediately arise. We need to have some way of defining "nature" that delineates it from the supposedly supernatural and non-natural. We can easily provide an ostensive definition which lists examples of natural entities and contrasts them with supernatural entities; putting atoms and particles in the natural column and ghosts and Gods in the supernatural column. However, I think we can do better than a mere ostensive definition. Naturalism is a philosophical outlook that came into its own as a result of the development of modern science. Believers in the supernatural have since the scientific revolution come think of the supernatural as a realm beyond that which science investigates as a result of the fact that science has more and more bracketed questions of the existence of things like ghosts and God off as outside of the domain scientists are interested in. So clearly the natural should be thought of as the proper object of scientific investigation. To say that nature is all there is is to say that if we had a complete scientific theory (that is one that accounted for all scientific data) then we would have an exhaustive description of the world. The further doctrine of materialism (in contemporary anglophone philosophy it is called 'physicalism') can then be understood as the version of naturalism which asserts that if we had a complete theory of physics we would have an exhaustive description of the world. A supposed problem for this definition is known as "Hempel's dilemma" related to the philosopher Carl G. Hempel. The dilemma is that if we define the object of scientific investigation in terms of current scientific theories then naturalism will be false given that those theories are incomplete. If we define it in terms of ideal (complete) theories then supposedly naturalism becomes trivial (vacuous) because we don't yet have ideal theories and thus purportedly have no idea what they would appeal to. Naturalists should probably concede that neither the current, or ideal theory horns is good enough for defining their view. Instead they should resist the assertion that they are bound by the horns of the dilemma in view of a third alternative. The actual development of scientific theories over historical time is what informs us about the kinds of things science investigates. We think science investigates the chemical make up of objects because of the development of scientific chemistry. Likewise we don't think science, at least in any straight forward way, investigates the existence of demons because the scientific community has moved systematically away from such questions in its research. So when the naturalist says that all that exists is natural they are saying that only the objects of scientific investigation exist and we know what those objects are by taking a look at the actual development of scientific theories. With naturalism defined we should move to the issue of why we should be naturalists. The argument for naturalism at its most basic is the development of the scientific worldview. Naturalists believe that the scientific worldview provides strong evidence for conceiving of nature as independently an existent casually closed totality which subsumes all real processes and properties. The basic argument proceeds in the following way: If all phenomena that have explanations have scientific explanations than the natural exhausts reality. All phenomena that have explanations have scientific explanations. So the natural exhausts reality. The key premise is obviously the second one. Why should we believe it? Here we appeal to the sheer scope of scientific progress in the last 500 years. We have developed scientific theories of the expansion of the universe, creation of solar systems, diversification of life on earth, and the dynamics of human character and social development. This process has systematically replaced supernatural explanations such as divine intervention, special creation, disembodied consciousness, demonic intervention, ect. Thus the modern world picture is _disenchanted_ compared to it's ancient and prehistoric counterparts. In premodernity human life was dominated by natural cycles as well as local traditions and thought patterns. Having little understanding of how the natural forces involved worked human beings imagined powers that transcended the regularities of the everyday realm they corporeally interacted with which worked in similar ways to the entities and regularities within the latter, especially transcendent entities with the attributes of agents (beings that act and choose) since the entities they were most familiar with were themselves as agents. These powers did everything from establish and overthrow kingdoms, teach humans mores and skills, create features of the ecological environment, and even create the world itself. In the modern world the development of capitalist industry required the development methodologies reliant on regularized, standardized, empirical observation for understanding nature (obviously industry could not rely on divine favor). Thus the modern world picture is one in which nature mechanistically operates according to its own internal regularities without any necessary reverence for human purposes. This is what Nietzsche referred to as _the death of God_. After God's death even those who do believe in the transcendent (in the sense of the supernatural) find it hard to do so. The divine realm has a tendency to retreat beyond nature even further and directly intervene in it and thereby directly evidence itself in human life less and less. While the death of God creates a bona fide crisis of meaning as it forces traditional reservoirs of meaning to evaporate, in doing so it creates the possibility of a new type of meaning for humanity. This new type of meaning is humanistic and scientific. Human beings can see themselves as rational social animals who, despite being coerced by mechanistic natural processes, can develop new social relations to themselves and nature that allow human beings to understand and thereby transform nature so as to continually extend human life and happiness and thereby reduce nature's coercive pull on humanity. Thereby the door is upon for a naturalistic worldview which does away with all powers above humanity as nature conscious of itself. This is where a distinction has to be made between the kind of naturalism Anarchists advocate and the typical naturalistic philosophy on offer in analytic philosophy departments. In the 20th century academic philosophy was split into two great camps; analytic and continental. Analytic philosophy claimed that the right way to answer philosophical questions was the apriori (before experience, or _from the armchair_) analysis of concepts using formal mathematical logic. Thus analytic philosophy became dominated by a type of naturalism which asserted that the place of philosophy relative to science was simply to disentangle concepts so that they could be used properly in scientific domains. While all forms of naturalism tie philosophical theorizing to scientific evidence analytic naturalism divorces philosophy of critical theoretic content. That is philosophy has always been an avenue by which the human condition could be examined and from that examination a description of the good life could be deduced. In the modern world _political philosophy_ took on an ideological character where the development of mass movements and mass political agency facilitated the application of philosophical theorizing to the question of how society should be transformed. However, despite the fact that analytic philosophy gave rise to many developments in political philosophy since WW2 its methods, even in political philosophy, presuppose the categories of the socially dominant modes of thought (whether from economics, political science, sociology, psychology, or anthropology) as pre-theoretic raw conceptual material to be clarified by conceptual analysis and then utilized by science. As such most of political interest in analytic philosophy has been argued from the centrist liberal/conservative perspective that has been geoculturally dominant within the capitalist world-system since 1848 and most analytic philosophy consists in constant back and fourth over the same ancient and early modern arguments (e.g. the ontological and cosmological arguments for God's existence, Cartesian and Pyrrhonian arguments for skepticism, arguments about the reality of abstract objects such as numbers, sets, propositions, and properties, and arguments over the "mind-body problem" concerned with how consciousness emerges from matter and how free will is possible within the scientific world picture). By contrast continental philosophy which methodologically focusses on social science, culture critique, history, and interpretation has produced numerous critical theories aimed at showing how existing modes of thought are produced by the capitalist world-system and can have their limits transcended via the transition to a more just society (the name _critical theory_ was coined by continental thinkers associated with the Frankfurt School of Social Research). As such, despite the dominance of naturalism within the analytic tradition since its beginning, conceptual challenges are constantly mounted to it, whereby in the continental tradition it is simply the working assumption of most theorists who aren't writing in its explicitly spiritualist incarnations. As such Anarchistic naturalism must be of the continental, rather than the analytic variety. This isn't to say that Anarchists reject all analytic philosophy out of hand. In fact the first programmatic step to helping philosophy out of the analytic clap trap is promoting interaction among both analytic and continental traditions to break down the methodological iron curtain between them. It is rather to say that Anarchism should always retain its critical theoretic posture, with its naturalism being no exception. **Sources** Modern Science and Anarchism, Kropotkin Continental Philosophy, Critchley https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/critical-theory/ https://iep.utm.edu/critical-theory-frankfurt-school/ https://iep.utm.edu/naturali/ https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/naturalism/ Understanding Naturalism, Ritchie Continental Philosophy of Religion, Burns https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/liberalism/ https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/conservatism/ World-Systems Analysis: An introduction, Wallerstein
redandblackanarchists.com.au
July 31, 2026 at 12:45 AM
ASF-IWA is raising funds for Myanmar’s independent ‘Hero Warrior’ LPDF to support food distribution and mobile medical clinics for displaced communities after suspending military operations due to escalating Tatmadaw air and drone attacks.

#anarchism
ASF-IWA fundraiser for 'Hero Warrior' LPDF
On 22 July, 'Hero Warrior', an independent Local Peoples Defence Force (LPDF) based in Central Myanmar officially mandated ASF-IWA to conduct humanitarian fundraisers for 'Hero Warrior' food distribut...
asf-iwa.org.au
July 29, 2026 at 3:24 AM
"There is no border in the pain of workers. There is no border in our struggle"

Participation inquiries: [email protected]

#anarchism #iwa-ait #korea
"노동자들의 고통에는 국경이 없다.
우리의 투쟁에도 국경이 없다"
참여 문의: [email protected]
July 26, 2026 at 10:15 AM
Reposted by Axxs
1. Shift of Power and the Reconstruction Strategy of the Bourgeois State Apparatus

The political shift in Bangladesh's state power on August 5, 2024, was not a revolution in the interest of the working class; rather, it was an unprecedented internal rearrangement of power within the bourgeois […]
Anarcho-Syndicalism in Bangladesh: Present Context & Challenges
### 1. Shift of Power and the Reconstruction Strategy of the Bourgeois State Apparatus The political shift in Bangladesh's state power on August 5, 2024, was not a revolution in the interest of the working class; rather, it was an unprecedented internal rearrangement of power within the bourgeois state structure. Following the fall of the Awami League—the secular bourgeois political force that ruled for over a decade and a half—the ousted party now faces an extremely hostile social and political reality. Despite institutional repression and being severely cornered at the grassroots level, this secular bourgeois group is attempting to reorganize itself by leveraging its long-standing bureaucratic experience, robust financial networks, and the cooperation of lumpen capitalists. Their recent activities and psychological resistance in various regions of the country prove that no faction of the bourgeois class easily relinquishes its power and right to plunder capital. The current BNP-Jamaat government that came to power after this political shift—which is essentially an opportunistic coalition of technocrats serving the interests of US imperialist and neo-liberal financial institutions, the military bureaucracy, and bourgeois reformists—has plunged the working class into a state of profound confusion. The so-called "democratic" and religious-nationalist forces (the BNP-Jamaat alliance), who themselves were accused in the past of corruption, lumpen capitalism, and the suppression of workers, are today posturing as "anti-fascist." In reality, the primary terror of all these bourgeois factions (whether it be the secular Awami League or the right-wing BNP-Jamaat and their extremist allies) remains the same: the spontaneous political rise and independent consciousness of the working class. Driven by this fear, they deploy the violent instruments of the state apparatus (Police, Army, RAB, BGB) and keep the proletariat divided through artificial ideological conflicts to sustain their class exploitation. From an anarcho-syndicalist perspective, we must understand that the state is not a neutral institution; it is always an instrument for protecting the interests of the ruling class. Therefore, replacing one bourgeois party with another is fundamentally antithetical to the liberation of the working class. ### 2. Historical Legacy: The Trap of "Razakarocracy" vs. Secular Capitalism To understand the evolution of Bangladesh's socio-political history, it is essential to analyze the dynamics of its class struggle. The primary driving force behind the anti-colonial liberation struggles of 1952, 1969, and 1971 was the exploited working and peasant class of this country. However, after independence, a new domestic lumpen-bourgeois class emerged by hijacking that revolutionary consciousness of the proletariat. The religious-fascist and reactionary ideology (locally known as _"Razakar-tontro"_ or Razakarocracy), which should have been socially eradicated after its defeat in 1971, instead took deep root in rural and urban life under the patronage of the state and capitalism. For a long time, the previous ruling party maintained a balance of power at the grassroots level by using this "Razakarocracy" or religious extremism as a bogeyman. In doing so, they cultivated a lumpen "Kishore Gang" (juvenile gang) culture, which is actually a distorted byproduct of capitalism. These lumpen forces established terrorist control over workers' neighborhoods, slums, and workplaces, thereby choking the voice of the ordinary worker. The events of August 5 exposed this structural bankruptcy of the bourgeois leadership. When the top leadership fled with their accumulated capital, the field-level ordinary workers and marginalized masses became mere cannon fodder for bourgeois politics. This historical lesson teaches the proletariat that relying on any specific "savior" or bourgeois party ultimately pushes the working class toward an even greater catastrophe. ### 3. Relevance of Anarcho-Syndicalism and Strategic Opportunities The current profound political instability and vacuum in Bangladesh have created an unprecedented historical opportunity (**Strategic Window**) for the anarcho-syndicalist movement. As the civil-war-like polarization among the bourgeois parties becomes starker, and the state fails to resolve the crises of its own making, the utility of a radical alternative philosophy outside the conventional governance system becomes evident. Whether the Awami League returns to the center of state power in the near future or the current right-wing forces consolidate their position—in both scenarios, the structural violence of the bourgeois state will not cease. Only the targets of oppression and the polarization will shift. To escape this endless cycle of exploitation, the working class must stop tailing bourgeois parties. ### Strategic Roadmap and the Secular Front**​** During this transitional period, our strategy must be multifaceted: * **Class-conscious Secular Front:** It is urgent at this moment to build a progressive and secular front against religious extremism, fundamentalism, and intolerance. However, this front will not be a bourgeois liberal platform; its foundation must be economic equality and the unity of the exploited class. * **Ideological Proliferation at the Grassroots:** Breaking the illusion of reformism, we must spread the core principles of anarcho-syndicalism—**Workers' Autonomy** , **Decentralization** , and **Direct Action** —among the workers. * **Building Alternatives to Corporate Unions:** As an alternative to the existing compliant, yellow, and management-pocketed trade unions, independent syndicates or workers' councils must be formed in every factory. These councils will not merely fight for wage increases but will aim for total control over production. ### 4. Current Crisis of the Bangladesh Anarcho-Syndicalist Movement and the Need for Protective Networks Despite its theoretical integrity, the history of the anarcho-syndicalist movement in Bangladesh (such as the efforts of the Bangladesh Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation or BASF) is currently going through a period of severe organizational stagnation and strategic crisis. Advancing this philosophy in a deeply conservative, religiously polarized society plagued by state and social terror is undoubtedly a monumental challenge. Many comrades are currently growing pessimistic about the effectiveness of this movement. Their despair is not baseless; rather, it is rooted in the ruthless material reality of the capitalist system. Today, capitalism has distorted human psychology to such an extent that workers are forced to prioritize immediate survival over long-term liberation. For a worker subjected to the exploitation of **Surplus Value** , spending time on political theory outside of a life consumed by grueling overtime for extra income is an extreme luxury. Added to this is the culture of joint terror perpetrated by the state and religious fundamentalist groups. In Bangladesh, joining a revolutionary movement means facing extreme economic and physical catastrophe. The working class here has no savings or surplus capital. Consequently, if a worker's home is destroyed or if they are terminated from their job due to movement activities, there is no mechanism for rehabilitation. Furthermore, due to the country's privatized and commercialized healthcare system, a worker injured by state or fascist thugs often ends up crippled and living a living-death due to a lack of proper medical care. This extreme uncertainty and lack of security cause the proletariat to psychologically withdraw from the battlefield of resistance. > **Key Realization:** We must admit that it is impossible to retain hungry and insecure workers on the streets merely with empty theoretical jargon. Until the movement can build a **Mutual Aid Network** , an emergency medical fund, and a legal defense shield within itself, the scope of the anarcho-syndicalist movement will remain constrained. ### 5. Economic Condition of the Contemporary Proletariat: Bankruptcy of Unions and the State Bangladesh's current GDP growth and the neo-liberal "epic of development" stand primarily on the cheap labor of the ready-made garment (RMG) industry, the construction sector, migrant workers, and agriculture. However, the lion's share of this economic surplus flows directly into the pockets of multinational corporations and domestic lumpen capitalists. In the face of unbridled inflation and skyrocketing commodity prices in the current market, the minimum wage of workers is a cruel joke. Working conditions are highly hazardous and unsafe. Even after massive state-corporate massacres like Rana Plaza or Tazreen Fashions, occupational health and safety remain virtually non-existent in the informal sectors. Every day, numerous workers lose their lives at workplaces; while termed "accidents" in bourgeois parlance, these are in reality **institutional murders**. The root cause of this crisis lies in yellow journalism, corporate media, and, above all, a subservient and weak trade union system. Most major trade unions in Bangladesh are either politically tied wings of some bourgeois party or bought-and-paid-for slaves of the owners (**Yellow Unions**). When workers engage in direct action to demand arrears or living wages, these very union leaders collaborate with the state and police to repress the workers and throw them into jail under false charges. Due to the absence of an independent, class-conscious, and revolutionary syndicate, the vast proletarian force of Bangladesh stands completely disenfranchised and unprotected today. ### 6. Fall of Usurious Civilization and the Rise of Proletarian Internationalism The social decay and moral bankruptcy we observe today are actually signs of the ultimate distortion of capitalism, or what can be called **"Mohajoni Shovvota"** (Usurious/Mercenary Civilization). In the feudal era, despite the suppression of exploitation, some pseudo-humanitarian social responsibilities remained. But modern capitalist society has reduced all human emotions, art, literature, culture, and relationships into mere commodities (**Commodification of Human Relations**). Money is now the sole yardstick for nobility, capability, and character. The healthcare system has turned into a profit factory instead of a place of healing; the legal system has become a protective shield for the wealthy. The core mantras of this system are "Time is Money" and "Business is Business." This extreme individualism destroys the spirit of empathy and **Solidarity** within human beings. People are forced to worship this system because this bourgeois society yields no human dignity to the propertyless. Yet, within this darkness, the light of liberation is visible according to the laws of history. In contrast to this global crisis of capitalism, a resurgence of working-class autonomy and the consciousness of a stateless society is occurring worldwide. The core tenet of anarcho-syndicalism is: **the one who labors shall be the driving force behind the means of production and societal decision-making.** There will be no place in society for those who lead parasitic lives by exploiting surplus value based on the labor of others. The capitalists and their intellectual lackeys propagate this free socialist concept as "anti-individual freedom" or "unrealistic." However, they actually fear losing their freedom to exploit. Wherever mountains of private property and monopolization of wealth exist, social evils like theft, mugging, coercion, and state fascism are inevitable. The true liberation of humanity is possible only by shattering this bourgeois arrogance and the legal frameworks of private property. ### Conclusion: A Call to the International Proletariat The geopolitical and socio-economic equations of Bangladesh will not change merely through a transfer of power or a revision of the bourgeois constitution. Whether the reins of governance remain in the hands of Yunus's neo-liberal clique, the Awami League, the BNP-Jamaat, or right-wing fascism—the fate of the worker will not change. We do not view this current transitional period in Bangladesh merely as a local crisis; rather, it is an inseparable part of global capitalism. Therefore, we call upon the comrades of the international anarcho-syndicalist movement—integrate the direct struggle of this marginalized and fighting proletariat of Bangladesh as a part of your **International Solidarity**. To defeat the nexus of local capitalists and global capital that exploits the workers of this country, we must coordinate our struggle at the international level. The struggle is long, but the fall of the usurious civilization and the victory of the workers' syndicate are equally inevitable. **Workers of all countries, unite! ​**
redandblackanarchists.com.au
July 23, 2026 at 5:02 AM
“We, Pro IWA Korea, attended the July 15 general strike rally organised by the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) in solidarity, raised the black-and-red flag, and also successfully wrapped up the after-event gathering that had been announced beforehand."

#Ansyn #Anarchism #IWAAIT
저희 국제노동자협회 한국 지역 준비위원회는 민주노총이 개최한 7월 15일 총파업 대회에 연대의 목적으로 참석하여 흑적기를 올렸으며, 사전에 공지했었던 뒤풀이 또한 성공적으로 끝마쳤습니다.

#아나코생디칼리슴 #아나키즘 #IWAAIT
July 17, 2026 at 10:54 AM
ASF Melbourne North is giving a presentation on the Spanish Revolution and the history of the Spanish exiles in Australia.

#anarchism #iwa-ait
July 15, 2026 at 9:34 AM
Reposted by Axxs
지금 총파업 현장(동화면세점 남쪽 도로원표)에 와있습니다! 투쟁!
July 15, 2026 at 6:43 AM
Proudhon argues property and wage labour are theft and despotism, and calls for socialised land and capital, workers self‑management, mutualist credit and federated associations as the economic basis of a free society.

#anarchism
Laying the foundations: Proudhon’s contribution to anarchist economics
Anyone sketching the positive vision of libertarian economics would, undoubtedly, include such features as common ownership of land, socialisation of industry, workers’ self-management of production a...
redandblackanarchists.com.au
July 5, 2026 at 11:36 PM
The #CNT-AIT faces state repression and marginalisation, yet continues organising along revolutionary anarcho-syndicalist and internationalist lines, defending workers self-organisation against authoritarian and reformist forces.

✊️

#anarchism
On the persecution of CNT-AIT
Statement by Coordinamento Anarcosindicalista, the IWA Initiative in Italy
redandblackanarchists.com.au
June 26, 2026 at 3:23 AM
অ্যানার্কো-সিন্ডিক্যালিজম নিয়ে দারুণ একটি ব্যাখ্যামূলক ভিডিও এখন ইউটিউবে। সরাসরি গণতন্ত্র, ফেডারেশন আর শ্রমিকদের স্ব-সংগঠন কীভাবে পুঁজিবাদ ও রাষ্ট্রের বিকল্প গড়তে পারে, দেখে জানুন।
Link: www.youtube.com/watch?v=gYEJ...

#নৈরাজ্যবাদ #anarchism
অ্যানার্কো-সিন্ডিক্যালিজম কী? বাংলায় বিশ্লেষণ।
YouTube video by Anarcho-Bangla
www.youtube.com
June 9, 2026 at 1:32 AM
An essay tracing the evolution of human consciousness and religion, arguing that gods are products of ignorance and social conditions, and that growing knowledge will finally hammer the last nail into God’s coffin.

#anarchism #নৈরাজ্যবাদ
The Evolution of Consciousness and the Anthropology of God
1. The Origin of Consciousness: The Illusion of Explanation From the very inception of the division of labor in history, we observe two distinct forms of human existence—manual labor on one side, and...
redandblackanarchists.com.au
June 2, 2026 at 5:36 AM
একটি প্রবন্ধ যেখানে মানুষের চেতনা ও ধর্মের বিবর্তন ব্যাখ্যা করে দেখানো হয়েছে যে ঈশ্বর মানুষের অজ্ঞানতা ও সামাজিক বাস্তবতারই ফল, আর জ্ঞানের অগ্রগতিই একদিন ঈশ্বরের ধারণাকে পুরোপুরি কবর দেবে।

#anarchism #নৈরাজ্যবাদ
চেতনার বিবর্তন ও ঈশ্বরের নৃবিজ্ঞান
১. চেতনার উৎপত্তি: ব্যখ্যার বিভ্রম  ইতিহাসে শ্রম বিভাজনের সূচনা থেকেই আমরা মানুষের দুটি রূপ দেখতে পাই—একদিকে কায়িক শ্রম, অন্যদিকে মা
redandblackanarchists.com.au
June 2, 2026 at 5:33 AM
Rumah Merdeka is a Javanese working‑class collective that builds a boss‑free, self‑managed economy (farming, crafts, audio), defends land and communities through direct action, and practices everyday solidarity with all the oppressed, prefiguring a free, classless society.

#anarchism
Imagined Space Solidarities: Rumah Merdeka
Today's working class is frequently confronted with illusory choices in the face of socio-ecological crisis, corporate power, and increasingly acute work alienation. Mainstream unions are frequently t...
redandblackanarchists.com.au
June 1, 2026 at 8:19 AM
Reposted by Axxs
저희 준비위를 소개하는 3단 리플렛입니다!
많은 공유 부탁드리며, 인쇄용 PDF는 아래 링크에서 받으실 수 있습니다!

drive.proton.me/urls/J1WX8T5...

#아나키즘 #아나코생디칼리슴 #IWAAIT
May 13, 2026 at 12:19 PM
Reposted by Axxs
Anarkisme sering kali dipahami sebagai bentuk kekacauan sosial, kekerasan, atau penolakan total terhadap aturan. Dalam banyak media populer, istilah “anarki” identik dengan kerusuhan dan ketidakteraturan. Namun, secara politik dan filosofis, anarkisme memiliki makna yang jauh lebih kompleks.  […]
Anarkisme di Tengah Badai Teknologi Digital
Anarkisme sering kali dipahami sebagai bentuk kekacauan sosial, kekerasan, atau penolakan total terhadap aturan. Dalam banyak media populer, istilah “anarki” identik dengan kerusuhan dan ketidakteraturan. Namun, secara politik dan filosofis, anarkisme memiliki makna yang jauh lebih kompleks. Anarkisme pada dasarnya merupakan gagasan mengenai masyarakat tanpa otoritas hierarkis yang memusatkan kekuasaan pada negara atau institusi tertentu. Dalam perkembangannya, konsep ini mulai memasuki dunia digital dan melahirkan apa yang disebut sebagai digital anarkisme. Fenomena ini muncul seiring berkembangnya internet, teknologi desentralisasi, serta berbagai sistem digital yang memungkinkan manusia berkomunikasi dan berorganisasi tanpa kontrol penuh dari negara maupun korporasi besar. Digital anarkisme menunjukkan bahwa teknologi modern dapat menjadi alat pembebasan dari kontrol terpusat, tetapi pada saat yang sama juga menghadirkan tantangan baru berupa dominasi korporasi digital, spekulasi ekonomi, dan ketidakstabilan informasi. ## **Anarkisme dan Struktur Dasar Internet** Dalam konteks politik, anarkisme bukan berarti ketiadaan organisasi sosial, melainkan penolakan terhadap struktur kekuasaan yang bersifat memaksa dan hierarkis. Anarkisme lebih menekankan koordinasi horizontal, kerja sama, mutual aid dan kebebasan individu dalam komunitas atau kolektif. Prinsip-prinsip tersebut tentu saja memiliki kesamaan dengan cara kerja internet modern. Sejak awal pembentukannya, internet dirancang sebagai jaringan yang terdesentralisasi. Sebagai contoh, sistem seperti TCP/IP memungkinkan komunikasi tetap berjalan tanpa bergantung pada satu pusat kontrol utama. Dengan kata lain, internet dibangun agar tetap berfungsi meskipun sebagian jaringannya mengalami gangguan. Struktur ini mencerminkan prinsip anarkisme karena tidak ada satu otoritas tunggal yang sepenuhnya mengendalikan seluruh jaringan global. Sifat internet yang terbuka kemudian menciptakan ruang baru bagi kebebasan informasi dan komunikasi. Melalui internet, individu dapat menyebarkan gagasan, membangun komunitas, dan melakukan aktivitas politik tanpa harus bergantung pada media atau institusi tradisional. Munculnya forum online, media independen, proyek open-source, hingga komunitas atau kolektif anonim di berbagai platform memperlihatkan bagaimana internet memberikan ruang bagi organisasi horizontal. Dalam dunia digital, seseorang dapat membangun jaringan solidaritas lintas negara hanya melalui koneksi internet. Hal ini memperlihatkan bahwa kekuasaan informasi tidak lagi sepenuhnya dimiliki negara atau perusahaan media besar. ## **Kebebasan Digital dan Perspektif Anarkisme** Selain perkembangan komunikasi digital, teknologi enkripsi juga memperkuat gagasan kebebasan di internet. Enkripsi memungkinkan komunikasi dilakukan secara privat dan aman dari pengawasan negara maupun korporasi. Dalam perspektif digital anarkisme, privasi bukan hanya persoalan teknis, melainkan bentuk kebebasan politik. Kemampuan individu untuk menjaga data dan komunikasinya sendiri dianggap sebagai bentuk perlawanan terhadap sistem pengawasan modern. Oleh karena itu, banyak kelompok digital anarkis mendukung penggunaan perangkat lunak open-source, server independen, dan jaringan peer-to-peer sebagai cara mempertahankan otonomi pengguna internet. Namun, kebebasan digital juga menghadirkan berbagai persoalan baru. Internet yang minim kontrol membuka ruang bagi penyebaran disinformasi, propaganda, penipuan digital, hingga cyber crime. Anonimitas yang sebelumnya dianggap sebagai alat perlindungan kebebasan sering kali disalahgunakan untuk tindakan kriminal dan manipulasi informasi. Kondisi ini memperlihatkan bahwa masyarakat digital tanpa kontrol penuh tetap membutuhkan tanggung jawab kolektif. Kebebasan tanpa kesadaran sosial dapat berubah menjadi ruang yang kacau dan rentan terhadap penyalahgunaan. Dengan demikian, digital anarkisme menghadapi dilema antara mempertahankan kebebasan dan menjaga stabilitas sosial dalam ruang digital. ## **Kapitalisme Digital dan Dominasi Big Tech** Perkembangan internet modern menunjukkan bahwa ruang digital yang awalnya terdesentralisasi perlahan mengalami sentralisasi kembali. Saat ini, sebagian besar aktivitas internet dikuasai oleh perusahaan teknologi besar seperti Meta, Google, dan Amazon. Platform-platform tersebut mengendalikan arus informasi, komunikasi, bahkan perilaku pengguna melalui algoritma dan pengumpulan data. Internet yang sebelumnya dipandang sebagai ruang bebas berubah menjadi ekosistem yang sangat bergantung pada korporasi digital. Data pribadi pengguna menjadi komoditas ekonomi, sementara algoritma menentukan informasi apa yang dapat dilihat dan dikonsumsi masyarakat. Fenomena ini menunjukkan bahwa teknologi tidak secara otomatis menciptakan kebebasan. Struktur ekonomi kapitalisme mampu mengambil alih ruang digital yang awalnya terbuka dan menjadikannya sebagai sumber kekuasaan baru. Dominasi Big Tech menciptakan bentuk hierarki baru di internet, di mana perusahaan teknologi memiliki pengaruh yang sangat besar terhadap opini publik, perilaku sosial, dan bahkan proses politik. Dalam kondisi ini, digital anarkisme berkembang sebagai bentuk kritik terhadap monopoli digital dan upaya merebut kembali kontrol teknologi dari negara maupun korporasi. ## **Blockchain sebagai Bentuk Baru Digital Anarkisme** Salah satu perkembangan yang dianggap paling dekat dengan gagasan digital anarkisme adalah munculnya blockchain dan cryptocurrency. Blockchain merupakan sistem pencatatan digital yang bekerja tanpa otoritas pusat. Transaksi diverifikasi oleh jaringan kolektif sehingga tidak membutuhkan bank atau institusi tunggal sebagai pengendali utama. Karena sifatnya yang desentralistik, blockchain dipandang sebagai simbol baru kebebasan digital. Cryptocurrency seperti Bitcoin muncul sebagai bentuk kritik terhadap sistem finansial tradisional dan kontrol negara terhadap uang. Teknologi blockchain juga membuka kemungkinan baru dalam organisasi sosial digital. Konsep seperti Decentralized Autonomous Organization (DAO) memungkinkan komunitas mengatur sistemnya sendiri tanpa pemimpin tunggal. Smart contract memungkinkan kesepakatan dilakukan secara otomatis tanpa mediator. Dalam pandangan pendukung digital anarkisme, teknologi ini berpotensi menciptakan struktur ekonomi dan sosial yang lebih horizontal, transparan, dan independen dari institusi tradisional. ## **Blockchain dan Cryptocurrency Terlalu Utopis?** Meskipun demikian, blockchain juga menghadapi berbagai kritik serius. Walaupun mengklaim bersifat desentralistik, banyak sistem cryptocurrency justru melahirkan elite baru berupa investor besar, perusahaan mining, dan pemilik modal digital. Kekuasaan tidak benar-benar hilang, tetapi berpindah bentuk dari negara menuju kelompok teknologi dan kapital baru. Selain itu, cryptocurrency sering kali lebih digunakan sebagai alat spekulasi ekonomi dibanding alat pembebasan sosial. Banyak proyek crypto berubah menjadi instrumen investasi yang sangat kapitalistik dan jauh dari cita-cita egaliter. Masalah lain yang muncul adalah konsumsi energi yang sangat besar dalam beberapa sistem blockchain. Aktivitas mining membutuhkan daya listrik tinggi dan menimbulkan kritik terkait dampak lingkungan. Dalam konteks ini, teknologi yang diklaim sebagai alat pembebasan justru dapat memperburuk krisis ekologis global. Selain itu, minimnya regulasi dalam dunia cryptocurrency juga menciptakan banyak kasus penipuan dan scam digital. Kebebasan total dalam sistem digital ternyata tidak selalu menghasilkan keadilan sosial, terutama ketika akses teknologi dan kekuasaan ekonomi tidak terdistribusi secara merata. Pada akhirnya, digital anarkisme bukan sekadar persoalan teknologi tanpa pusat kontrol, melainkan perdebatan mengenai siapa yang memiliki kekuasaan di dunia digital. Internet dan blockchain memang membuka kemungkinan baru bagi kebebasan, desentralisasi, dan organisasi horizontal. Namun, perkembangan kapitalisme digital memperlihatkan bahwa teknologi juga dapat dengan mudah dikuasai oleh korporasi dan elite ekonomi baru. Oleh karena itu, masa depan ruang digital tidak hanya ditentukan oleh kecanggihan teknologi, tetapi juga oleh bagaimana masyarakat mempertahankan kebebasan, distribusi kekuasaan, dan tanggung jawab kolektif dalam dunia yang semakin terdigitalisasi.
redandblackanarchists.com.au
May 25, 2026 at 1:40 AM