LightNews — News, ranked by scholars

@johnmenadue.com

An international campaign to free Marwan Barghouti is gaining momentum, with supporters arguing his release could reshape Palestinian politics and revive peace efforts, writes Nagham Zbeedat. #FreeMarwan #Palestine #MiddleEast #PeaceProcess #IsraeliPalestinian #HumanRights

Global campaign amplifies call for the release of jailed Palestinian leader Barghouti

An international campaign is calling for the release of Palestinian political figure Marwan Barghouti, arguing his freedom could reshape Palestinian politics and revive peace efforts.

johnmenadue.com

December 2, 2025 at 10:15 PM

Annals of Family Medicine

@annfammed.bsky.social

Annals of Family Medicine editor @crrichardson.bsky.social shares an editorial in our latest issue on the newly published articles exploring how the #IsraeliPalestinian conflict affects family doctors and their patients.

🔗- www.annfammed.org/content/22/6...

December 13, 2024 at 7:44 PM

Joel S.

@joelhs.bsky.social

This new poll of American Jews finds 1 in 4 American Jews openly oppose Zionism, if you define Zionism as requiring a Jewish voting majority nation-state.

The same number of American Jews voted Trump.

Which group has representation in major American Jewish organizations, and which does not?

"Q.45 In your opinion, which of the following would be the best resolution of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict?
Total
Establishing one state that is neither Jewish nor
Palestinian, and includes Israel, the West Bank,
and Gaza under a single government elected by
Israelis and Palestinians ............................................... 24
Israeli annexation of the West Bank and Gaza that
establishes one state as the national homeland of
the Jewish people, and allows Palestinians to vote
for their municipal leaders but not vote for Israel's
national government ...................................................... 22
Establishing two separate states with their own
separate governments - a Jewish State of Israel
alongside an Arab State of Palestine ............................ 54"

"Q.52 Thinking about the 2024 election for President, for whom did you vote?
Total
Democrat Kamala Harris .................................................... 70
Republican Donald Trump .................................................. 25
Someone else ..................................................................... 2
Did not vote ......................................................................... 3"

May 24, 2026 at 12:53 AM

Joel S.

@joelhs.bsky.social

Of course, 1 in 4 American Jews who oppose Zionism (if defined as maintaining a Jewish voting-majority nation-state) is a minority, but it is far too many people to say it is an insignificant fringe of the American Jewish community. And it is about the same percent of American Jews who voted Trump.

May 24, 2026 at 1:06 AM

Mr.Solo 🇵🇸

@mr-solo-1975.bsky.social

#Genocide is not self defense.

Unless you're the #IsraeliGovernment
Then #Genocide #EthnicCleansing and #SettlerColonialism is fair game.

If #Likud had their way there would be not a single #Arab or #IsraeliPalestinian in the #Knesset let alone the #Zionist state of #Israel

November 19, 2024 at 9:08 PM

News Mason

@newsmason.bsky.social

#trends today for 'israeli palestinian' 'trump confirms' & 'nfl game'

Click/Tap below:

www.newsmason.com?query=%22isr...

www.newsmason.com?query=%22tru...

www.newsmason.com?query=%22nfl...

#israelipalestinian #trumpconfirms #nflgame

www.newsmason.com

December 1, 2025 at 3:39 AM

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30

place in these broader regional changes is important, not because it is
at the center of Arab public discourse, but because the IsraeliPalestinian conflict will continue plaguing U.S. efforts to manage a
range of tasks in the Middle East. Future Arab governments will be
more attuned to public perceptions, and Arab pressure groups are
unlikely to remain as accommodating of Israel as they have been, as
Egypt's decision to broker a fragile Hamas-Fatah agreement and open
the Gaza border after a nearly five-year closure clearly demonstrates.
Israel and the United States Should Clarify Commitments and
Responsibilities of the Partnership
As part of a broader effort to rebuild trust, the United States and
Israel should use the U.S.-Israel Strategic Dialogue to discuss frankly
each ally's commitments and responsibilities in order to address the
deep uncertainties on both sides. Today the depth of U.S.-Israeli
military-to-military cooperation is unprecedented. Yet in the current
political and strategic climate, vague verbal declarations about
America's "commitment to Israel's security" have become slogans
rather than a formula for practical security arrangements. U.S.
politicians and government officials will continue using such mottoes
for political gain, but overusing them may exacerbate Israeli anxiety
because their vagueness is subject to such wide interpretation.
Clarifying contingencies that may require U.S. intervention or
coordinated military action, most importantly regarding Iran, is
highly sensitive but could add an important element of certainty to
the relationship. Some Americans have argued that extending a U.S.
nuclear deterrent to Israel would relieve Israeli anxiety of a nuclear
Iran. Others have suggested a bilateral defense treaty. Neither,
however, provides solutions to Israel's strategic challenges, which are
a daunting mixture of hard security threats from states and nonstate
actors combined with the psychological and

diplomatic threat of
growing international isolation. The U.S. government can address

EFTA01168844

May 12, 2026 at 2:22 PM

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5

AnICIC 2.

NY Daily News

President Obama has right goals on IsraeliPalestinian peace, but strategy already backfiring
Alan Dershowitz
May 27th 2011 -- Now that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is
back in Israel and President Obama is traveling around Europe, it is
time to assess the effect their dueling speeches have had on the
prospects for peace.
There is one factual conclusion on which the Israelis and the
Palestinians completely agree: following President Obama's recent
speech — and repeated explanation of it — on the Israel-Palestine
conflict, we are further than ever from peace negotiations. Obama has
managed, in one fell swoop, to harden the positions of both sides and
to create distrust of him by Israelis and Palestinians alike.
My criticism of the President is not directed at whether he is proIsrael or anti-Israel, pro-Palestinian or anti-Palestinian. In fact, I
believe that his actions have not been motivated by any antagonism
toward the Jewish state. He simply does not understand the dynamics
of Middle East negotiation. I am disappointed in him not because I
support Israel (which I do), but because I support peace based on a
two-state solution. I agree with Obama about his ends, while
disagreeing about his means.
Indeed there is little in the content of the President's statements with
which I disagree. Rather, it is with his negotiating strategy, his
constant need to explain himself, and his utter tone-deafness to the
music, as distinguished from the lyrics.
The President has asked the Israelis to agree to negotiate new borders
based on the 1967 lines, with land swaps. But he did so without
asking the Palestinians to agree to drop their demand that millions of

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May 12, 2026 at 1:32 PM

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The

Shimon Post

.7)

Presidential News Bulletin

29 May, 2011
Article 1.
NYT
Pay Attention
Thomas L. Friedman
Article 2.
NY Daily News
President Obama has right goals on IsraeliPalestinian peace, but strategy already backfiring
Alan Dershowitz
Article 3.
Al-Ahram Weekly
Who will win in September?
Abdel-Moneim Said
Article 4.
Asia Times
Show goes on in Iraq's political circus
Sami Moubayed
Article s.
TIME
The Optimism Bias
Tali Sharot

EFTA01165544

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attenuated perspective of an American who mainly wishes the world would
go away, perhaps it is.
This definition of stability, however, requires ignoring all that would
disturb it — anything that might demand new military commitments or
deeper U.S. engagement with Arabs and their seemingly endless conflicts.
And so Obama spelled out four "core interests" for which he would use
"all elements of our power, including military force": preventing the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, stopping attacks on the U.S.
homeland, defending allies and ensuring the "free flow of energy." All else,
including promoting democracy and preventing genocide, was relegated to
a lesser category, in which his administration will act only in concert with
"the international community." And maybe not even then.
It's worth noting that Obama has not always been so small-minded, at least
rhetorically. In May 2011, after the NATO intervention in Libya that he
reluctantly joined, he delivered another major address on the Middle East.
He started by listing the same core priorities. Then he said: "We must
acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these
interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their
mind."
He defined a new set of "core principles" that the United States would
defend in the Middle East, including "free speech, the freedom of peaceful
assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under the
rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders — whether you live
in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran." He said: "Our support for
these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear
that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and
supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our
disposal."
In fact, as Egyptians and Syrians can testify, he never followed up. On
Tuesday, Obama relinked his rhetoric to his actions

and his underlying
worldview. He listed just two goals: striking an agreement with Iran that
would curtail its pursuit of nuclear weapons and brokering an IsraeliPalestinian peace accord. Both are worthy but long-shot initiatives; both
were on Obama's agenda in January 2009. And neither, even if achieved,
would address the larger Middle East crisis.

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Bloomberg march
„.
Mistakes, Excuses and Painful
Lessons From the Iraq War
By Ezra Klein

I supported the Iraq War, and I'm sorry.
I have my excuses, of course. I was a college student, young and dumb. I thought that if U.S.
President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell and former President Bill Clinton
and U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair all thought it was necessary, then that was because they had
intelligence proving as much. I thought there was no way the Bush administration would neglect
to plan for the obvious challenges of the aftermath. I turned on the war quickly when I saw how
poorly and arrogantly it was being managed.
But at the core of my support for the war was an analytical failure I think about often: Rather
than looking at the war that was actually being sold, I'd invented my own Iraq war to support -an Iraq war with different aims, promoted by different people, conceptualized in a different way
and bearing little resemblance to the project proposed by the Bush administration. In particular, I
supported Kenneth Pollack's Iraq war.
In 2002, Pollack, a Persian Gulf expert who'd worked at the Central Intelligence Agency and the
National Security Council, published "The Threatening Storm: The Case for Invading Iraq."
Pollack's argument, in short, was that Saddam Hussein was an unusually reckless, cruel and selfdeluded dictator who either had weapons of mass destruction or was very close to attaining them.
His past, which included catastrophic wars with Iran and Kuwait, murderous rampages against
his own people, erratic personal behavior and a clear aspiration toward regional hegemony,
suggested that he wasn't the sort of tyrant who could be contained or reasoned with, and so
Pollack's reluctant, unhappy conclusion was that he was the sort of tyrant who must be stopped
before the right weaponry made him unstoppable.

Third Priority
But Pollack was clear-eyed about the task ahead. Iraq, he said, shouldn't be

America's top
priority. We should first focus on destroying al-Qaeda. We should then work on the IsraeliPalestinian conflict. Only then should we turn to Hussein.
Moreover, when and if we did invade Iraq, we should do so only as part of a coordinated,
multilateral operation that takes as its fundamental premise that rebuilding Iraq "is likely to be

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The president committed U.S. power and prestige to two long-shot initiatives. Trying to solve the IsraeliPalestinian conflict looks, to me, pretty much like an impossibility at this point — but not a waste of time,
since it is better to have some sort of peace process under way than not. Negotiating an end to the threat
posed by Iran's nuclear program, on the other hand, is clearly the right idea at the right time.
By all accounts, the stranglehold sanctions on the Iranian regime are causing real pain. The new moderate
leadership seems to have been given unprecedented freedom to negotiate a loosening of the vise.
President Hassan Rouhani may not have the will or the latitude to reach a settlement in the next three
months, as he claims, but it would be a tragic mistake not to find out.
At the same time — and I think this has to be a factor in the president's thinking, underpinning the entire
Obama Doctrine — the Syria experience showed how reluctant Americans are to contemplate another
Mideast war.
I don't mean to suggest that Obama would hesitate to order an attack on Iran if all else failed, because
preventing the mullahs from obtaining the bomb is one of his "core interests." But the overwhelming
public rejection of military action in Syria has to be seen as an instruction to explore every avenue of
negotiation before resorting to force.
"I've made it clear that, even when America's core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready
to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights," Obama said. "But we cannot
and should not bear that burden alone."
The president challenged other nations to join in the "multilateral use of military force" when possible
and necessary, as in Libya, or else "reckon with the cold logic of mass graves." Sounds like cold realism to
me.
flolffflolf

2

age

of

2

EFTA01103690

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Sure, non-binding party platforms may have a limited impact on the positions presidential candidates
take and the ways Americans vote, but they nevertheless highlight the issues at the center of a party's
effort to define its international posture; in this case, the GOP's struggle to reconcile presumptive
nominee Mitt Romney's embrace of American exceptionalism with Texas Rep. Ron Paul's considerably
more modest vision of American power.
What are the most notable takeaways from this year's platform-drafting process, beyond one eagleeyed delegate requesting that a reference to "Czechoslovakia," which ceased to exist in 1993, be
changed to the "Czech Republic?" Here's a deeper look at what one committee member has called the
"most conservative platform in modern history."

Israeli-Palestinian conflict
Far and away, the most controversial part of the GOP's foreign-policy platform was the section
tentatively titled, "Our Unequivocal Support for Israel," which stated that Republicans "envision two
democratic states -- Israel with Jerusalem as its capital and Palestine -- living in peace and security" -language that is nearly identical to wording used in the party's 2008 platform. The passage provoked a
raft of amendments arguing that, in endorsing the two-state solution, the Republicans were dictating
the terms of a peace agreement to the Israeli government.
"The overwhelming majority of Republicans don't support the creation of another terror state like the
ones that have since been created in southern Lebanon and Gaza," declared South Carolina delegate
Randy Page. "We cannot continue to endorse [President Barad] Obama's policy of forcing Israel to
negotiate in the face of suicidal risk." Page complained that the party's Israel plank was "a nearly
identical copy of the Democrats' Israel platform" (the 2008 Democratic platform also supports a twostate solution).
In fact, it was President George W. Bush, who in 2002 became the first U.S.

president to explicitly call for
an independent Palestinian state and in 2007 hosted a conference that, as the Wall Street Journal put it,
"enshrine[d] the two-state solution as the mutually agreed-upon desired outcome of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict."
But the Republican Party has grown more reluctant to spell out the parameters of Israeli-Palestinian
peace ever since last year, when Obama backed a two-state solution roughly based on the pre-1967
borders. Romney and his running mate Paul Ryan have criticized that decision, though both have
expressed support for a two-state solution as well.
A resolution at the RNC's winter meeting this year appeared to reject the two-state solution -proclaiming "that peace can be afforded the region only through a united Israel governed under one law
for all people" -- though party officials hinted at the time that the language would not find its way into
the platform adopted at the presidential convention.
They were right. At the platform committee deliberations, Jim Talent, a Mitt Romney surrogate and
former Missouri senator, ultimately fended off the flurry of amendments, arguing that Israeli Prime
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evictions will lead to violent confrontations between settlers and Israeli
security forces.
If these problems are resolved, there is a much greater chance of reaching
an agreement, mainly due the American government's newfound interest in
ending this longstanding conflict.
Until recently, I was among those trying to convince Israeli decision
makers to give up on the demand that Palestinians recognize Israel as a
Jewish state, both because Israel has been and will continue to be a Jewish
state without Palestinian recognition, and because Israel never made such
demands when signing peace treaties with other neighbors, like Egypt and
Jordan.
I've changed my mind. I believe Israeli leaders will be willing to pay a
high price in exchange for such recognition and therefore a deal is possible
that solves both the settler evacuation problem and Israel's desire to be
recognized as a "Jewish State."
Israeli leaders worry that if Palestinians refuse to recognize Israel as a
Jewish state, they will continue to claim entitlement to the "right of
return," for refugees, which could flood Israel with non-Jews, making Jews
a minority in their state. The Palestinians insist on a resolution to the
refugee problem before granting any such recognition.
Both sides should embrace the formula proposed 10 years ago by the
Geneva Initiative, which recognized the right of both parties to statehood
and "Palestine and Israel as the homelands of their respective peoples."
If Palestinians accept this formulation, then Israel would have to agree to
absorb a limited number of Palestinians and allow those Israeli settlers who
wish to stay in the West Bank to live under a sovereign Palestinian state —
provided that they agree to live as Israeli citizens with permanent residency
in Palestine and accept that settlements cannot be exclusively for Israelis.
But first the Israeli government needs an incentive to convince as many
settlers as possible to leave the future

Palestinian state, and will allow some
Palestinians to live in Israel.
Here's how it could be achieved. Five years after the signing of an IsraeliPalestinian peace agreement, all settlers remaining in the newly established
Palestinian state would be counted, and the resulting number would set the
quota for the number of Palestinian citizens admitted for permanent
residency in Israel.
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II. Mr. Epstein threw parties at his house in New York. He would often invite scientists,
whose company he enjoyed.
12. Mr. Epstein also had an interest in Harvard. In 1990, he and Mr. Wexner had helped to
fund the construction of a new building at Harvard Hillel, named after Henry Rosovsky,
then the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences.
13. Mr. Dershowitz began introducing Mr. Epstein around the college. Mr. Epstein
subsequently began funding research into psychology and the history of science, and he
became a member of the advisory board of the Harvard Society of Mind, Brain, and
Behavior, and a Harvard fellow. Mr. Epstein also established an office in Brattle Square,
where he held seminars on contemporary academic ideas, in which Mr. Dershowitz
sometimes participated.
14. In an article in the Harvard Crimson, Mr. Dershowitz said that he would debate
mathematics, genetics, law, and psychology with Mr. Epstein and professor Steven
Kosslyn, and that in these discussions, they would all cut each other off all the time
"because we just get it."
15. Mr. Epstein would evaluate drafts of Mr. Dershowitz's books. Mr. Dershowitz has said
that Mr. Epstein was the only person outside his family whom he trusted to do this.
16. After Lawrence Summers became president of Harvard in 2001, he flew to Palm Beach
on Mr. Epstein's plane and stayed at his mansion. In 2003, Mr. Epstein pledged thirty
million dollars to Harvard to create the Epstein Program for Mathematical Biology and
Evolutionary Dynamics. To lead it, he recruited Martin Nowak, a biologist from
Princeton University. Mr. Dershowitz became a Faculty Affiliate of the program.

17. In January 2007, the evolutionary biologist Robert Trivers was scheduled to receive the
Crafoord Prize in biosciences. Mr. Nowak invited him to give a talk at the Epstein
Center, followed by dinner. That April, Mr. Trivers sent Mr. Dershowitz a letter that
criticized him for what Mr. Trivers viewed as an attack

on Norman Finkelstein, and also
said that Mr. Dershowitz was a Nazi or Nazi-apologist for his stance on the IsraeliPalestinian conflict.
18. On May 25, the day of his talk, Mr. Nowak, having arrived at Harvard, told Mr. Trivers
that he was cancelling the talk a planned celebration, under orders from someone he
would not identify. The reason given was that Mr. Trivers had called a Harvard professor
a Nazi. Mr. Trivers said that he later learned that the order came from Mr. Epstein, under
pressure from Mr. Dershowitz. (Mr. Dershowitz has denied this.) Mr. Trivers said that
Mr. Epstein later apologized for having stopped the talk, using the word "apology," and
Mr. Trivers now described them as friendly.
19. In the summer of 2000, according to a deposition by Juan Alessi, who managed Mr.
Epstein's house in Palm Beach, Alessi was driving Ghislaine Maxwell, Mr. Epstein's

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Opinion Two: One of the most hackneyed clichés about the Middle East
today is that the Arab Awakening, because it was not focused on the IsraeliPalestinian issue, only proves that this conflict was not that important.
Rather, it is argued, the focus should be on Iran 24/7. The fact is, the Arab
Awakening has made an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement more urgent
than ever for two reasons. First, it is now clear that Arab autocracies are
being replaced with Islamist/populist parties. And, in Egypt, in particular, it
is already clear that a key issue in the election will be the peace treaty with
Israel. In this context, if Palestinian-Israeli violence erupts in the West
Bank, there will be no firewall — the role played by former President
Hosni Mubarak — to stop the flames from spreading directly to the
Egyptian street.
Moreover, with the rise of Islamists in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Syria,
Israelis and Palestinians have a greater incentive than ever to create an
alternative model in the West Bank — a Singapore — to show that they,
together, can give birth to a Palestinian state where Arab Muslims and
Christians, men and women, can thrive in a secular, but religiously
respectful, free-market, democratic context, next to a Jewish state. This is
the best Palestinian leadership with which Israel could hope to partner.
One reason the Arab world has stagnated while Asia has thrived is that the
Arabs had no good local models to follow — the way Taiwan followed
Japan or Hong Kong. Fostering such a model — that would stand in daily
contrast to struggling Islamist models in Gaza and elsewhere — would be a
huge, long-term asset for Israel and help to shape the world around it.

article 2.

The Washington Post

Muslim Brotherhood officials aim to promote
moderate image in Washington visit
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accomplishment, the critical point remains -- the lion's
share of the credit for the renewal of IsraeliPalestinian security coordination belongs to the parties
themselves.
***
To be sure, using the term "success" to describe the
USSC's efforts is a fraught business. There are many
Israelis and Palestinians who are still convinced that
the effort will meet the disastrous fate that similar
initiatives did in 2000, when highly touted post-Oslo
security cooperation efforts unraveled amid the bloody
Second Intifada. Many Palestinians observe that,
although they fulfilled their part of the bargain by
improving local security conditions, the Israeli
occupation not only remains in earnest but Israeli
settlement construction is booming and Israeli settlers
are becoming even more radicalized.
In light of the political stalemate, former militia
members and PA elites are beginning to claim that
U.S.-trained forces are working more for Israel's
interests than Palestine's. These claims put a lot of
pressure on the new PASF, particularly the younger
members, the majority of which, unlike their
predecessors, come from within the territories. On the
other side, some Israelis fear that the newly minted
professional Palestinian security forces will one day
turn their arms against Israelis, as occurred in the
recent past.
Doubters and detractors aside, the most ardent
supporters of continued security cooperation are IDF
senior leadership and their counterparts in the Shin

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new team will need time to get settled and will likely see IsraeliPalestinian negotiations as a bottomless pit for diplomatic
energy rather than as a priority. If Obama is reelected, he will
have no Middle East hands to whom he can turn. Mideast
advisor Dennis Ross has left; Jeffrey Feltman, assistant secretary
of state for Near East affairs, departed for a post at the United
Nations; and Deputy Secretary of State Bill Burns will in all
likelihood leave when a new secretary of state is appointed or a
few months later.
In January 2009, Obama appointed Mitchell as special Middle
East envoy on his second day in office. That kind of priority will
not be assigned to the "peace process" in January 2013 -- no
matter who wins.
The new Israeli coalition has some room to maneuver, but don't
expect it to make diplomacy with the Palestinians a priority. It
will want to make decisions on Iran first and see who will be the
U.S. president for the next four years. An Israel that is worried
about stability in Syria, Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon and facing a
growing Iranian nuclear weapons program is unlikely to take
many risks in the West Bank.
That's not to say the new government can afford to ignore the
Palestinian issue. Polls show that Israelis do want peace and do
want separation from the Palestinians, but have little faith that
much can be achieved. If Iran's nuclear program is halted,
through either a bombing campaign or a negotiated deal, and
Iran's ally, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, falls, attention may
turn back to the West Bank. An Israel that has defied the
counsels of restraint from the United States, Russia, China, and
all of Europe by bombing Iran may well seek to patch things up

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EFTA02690782 | EFTA02690788
7

Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear in his May address to
Congress.
For another, it is bound to complicate the international support so
crucial for Palestinian legitimacy. In his back-to-back speeches on
Mideast policy this spring, President Obama used his considerable
powers of persuasion to urge a re-start of the moribund IsraeliPalestinian peace process. But the stubborn reality that at least one
part of the new, hybrid Palestinian government is committed to
Israel's destruction is sure to frustrate those plans. So will Congress,
where lawmakers from both political parties have condemned the
Hamas-Fatah merger and threatened to cut off American aid to
Abbas's government if it doesn't break with its new political partner.
Even Europe, which historically has waxed sympathetic to the
Palestinian cause, is likely to remain divided over support for
Palestinian statehood absent serious revisions to the "unity"
government.
None of which necessarily means that Abbas and company will back
away from their bid to unilaterally establish "Palestine," or their illconceived partnership with Hamas. But it does make the prospects for
real, lasting prosperity for the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza
Strip more distant than ever. For that, the Palestinians have only their
leaders to blame.
Ilan Berman is Vice President of the American Foreign Policy
Council in Washington, DC. An expert on regional security in the
Middle East, Central Asia, and the Russian Federation, he has
consultedfor both the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the U.S.
Department of Defense.

EFTA_R1_02031774

EFTA02690788

April 18, 2026 at 9:33 AM

Epstein Web

@epsteinweb.bsky.social

EFTA02690737.jpg
#epsteinweb #efta02690737
https://epsteinweb.org
Available in the iOS app store now!
https://apps.apple.com/us/app/epstein-web/id6758880661

EFTA02690731 | EFTA02690737
7

Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made clear in his May address to
Congress.
For another, it is bound to complicate the international support so
crucial for Palestinian legitimacy. In his back-to-back speeches on
Mideast policy this spring, President Obama used his considerable
powers of persuasion to urge a re-start of the moribund IsraeliPalestinian peace process. But the stubborn reality that at least one
part of the new, hybrid Palestinian government is committed to
Israel's destruction is sure to frustrate those plans. So will Congress,
where lawmakers from both political parties have condemned the
Hamas-Fatah merger and threatened to cut off American aid to
Abbas's government if it doesn't break with its new political partner.
Even Europe, which historically has waxed sympathetic to the
Palestinian cause, is likely to remain divided over support for
Palestinian statehood absent serious revisions to the "unity"
government.
None of which necessarily means that Abbas and company will back
away from their bid to unilaterally establish "Palestine," or their illconceived partnership with Hamas. But it does make the prospects for
real, lasting prosperity for the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza
Strip more distant than ever. For that, the Palestinians have only their
leaders to blame.
Ilan Berman is Vice President of the American Foreign Policy
Council in Washington, DC. An expert on regional security in the
Middle East, Central Asia, and the Russian Federation, he has
consultedfor both the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the U.S.
Department of Defense.

EFTA_R1_02031718

EFTA02690737

April 18, 2026 at 9:30 AM

Epstein Web

@epsteinweb.bsky.social

EFTA02028793.jpg
#epsteinweb #efta02028793
https://epsteinweb.org
Available in the iOS app store now!
https://apps.apple.com/us/app/epstein-web/id6758880661

EFTA02028793 | EFTA02028793
From: Daniel C. Kurtzer
Sent: Sun May 22 19:11:48 2011
Subject: Kurtzer article in NY Daily News

Dear friends,

Following is an op-ed that appeared in today's NY Daily News. All the best. Dan

Opinion
The border between reality and politics:
What's new and what's not in Obama's
stance on '67 border
BY DANIEL KURTZER
Sunday, May 22nd 2011

In his Middle East speech last week, President Obama argued forcefully for IsraeliPalestinian peace, emphasizing unshakeable U.S. support for Israel's security and the
need for an outcome that results in two states, Israel and Palestine, living within
viable and secure boundaries — based on the pre-1967 borders, as amended by land
swaps. The President broke little new ground in his remarks. Instead, the speech
reflected this administration's basic approach to diplomacy: seek out the art of the
possible through incremental change, while avoiding grand plans and big strategies.
Yet already, the remarks have become deeply controversial. Mitt Romney, a 2012
Republican presidential contender, said Obama threw Israel "under the bus." Former
Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee said, "President Obama has betrayed Israel." A
statement by the_Simon Wiesenthal Center referred to the 1967 lines as "the

EFTA_R1_00537555

EFTA02028793

March 19, 2026 at 1:17 PM

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$EFTA02008963 | EFTA02008964 The Wall Street Journal Israel's Iron Dome Editorial Article 7. Yale-Global Online Magazine An American President in the Age of Globalization Strobe Talbott Article I. The New Republic The Long Road to a Moderate Hamas Nathan Brox\ n November 18, 2012 -- The latest eruption of fighting between Israel and Hamas has forced the long-festering IsraeliPalestinian conflict back on the international agenda. However damaging the violence and shrill the rhetoric, the current round is likely to be anything but decisive. The most likely outcome is a return to something like the status quo ante: a Palestinian movement that rejects a permanent settlement with Israel well EFTA_R1_00509627 EFTA02008964$

March 18, 2026 at 6:52 PM