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MESUT ŞENOL Graduated from the Political Science Faculty of Ankara University. Earned his Master’s Degree in Public Administration and Public Relations. Served as a mayor, district governor and PR Department Head of the Prime Ministry. His 20 poetry collections were published, and many of his poetry and literary translations appeared in many national and foreign literary publications and anthologies. Attended a number of national and international poetry and literary festivals in the country and abroad, and acting as an organizer for some of them.

Staff Reporter THE government is preparing a plan to support farmers affected by Foot-and-Mouth Disease (FMD) restrictions, while consultations are under way with international trading partners over meat shipments and new zoning measures, Agriculture Minister Inge Zaamwani told the National Assembly. Zaamwani said the ministry is listening to farmers and other stakeholders and is putting together a plan to address the financial and other challenges caused by the FMD situation. She said the plan would be presented to the leadership for approval before being implemented. PDM leader McHenry Venaani questioned reports that a shipment of Namibian meat worth about N$400 million, reportedly en route to Europe, had been sent back to Namibia. Venaani asked the minister to confirm whether the shipment had been returned and whether it belonged to Savannah Beef or Meatco. He also called for the National Assembly to be properly briefed on developments surrounding the FMD outbreak, saying the issue required a united national response. Zaamwani said the government was consulting with relevant trading partners and had engaged Namibia’s ambassador in Brussels. She said she was also due to meet the European Union ambassador later in the week. The minister explained that Namibia would have to officially notify the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH), after which the status of the affected meat containers could be determined. She said the possibility of the shipment being allowed to continue would depend on Namibia’s traceability system being able to establish where the meat originated and whether it came from an affected area. “We have a chance that they could be allowed to go, but it depends on the jurisdiction of other countries and the requirements,” Zaamwani said. She said consultations were continuing and indicated that she would return to issue a Ministerial statement. Meanwhile, LPM Chief Whip Utaara Mootu asked the minister whether arrangements had been made with the Bank of Namibia and the Ministry of Finance to provide relief to farmers with agricultural loans who are affected by the restrictions. Mootu also questioned the testing methods being used for small livestock, noting that sheep and goats can carry the virus without showing visible symptoms. She further asked about the possibility of using zoning and sub-zoning to allow unaffected areas to resume international trade, as well as measures to assist communal farmers who need to move livestock between areas because of water shortages. Zaamwani said the ministry had already started working on zoning and sub-zoning earlier this year, with the aim of limiting the spread of FMD across the country. She said the government had published a declaration through the Government Gazette and was already in the tender process to establish a phase zone in the southern part of the country, starting in the ||Kharas Region and later extending to Hardap, Khomas and other areas. “Everything is being addressed,” Zaamwani said, adding that the ministry would engage relevant stakeholders once its plan had been approved. “We are listening, we hear. We are equally affected, and we will not let people just go like that because we are in a leadership position.” She also appealed to the National Assembly to remain united in dealing with the FMD situation. “If you have ideas, come and talk to us and we’ll listen,” she said. Photo: Parliament of the Republic of Namibia The post FMD support, zoning and meat exports discussed in National Assembly appeared first on Informanté.

The USS Klakring was struck by a missile as part of a joint military operation at the Ministry of Defence's Hebrides range

The American empire has never needed a propaganda ministry to justify itself to its subjects. For that, it has the world’s largest culture industry. From Hollywood to hip-hop, it has made millions around the world dream of being American, even those who hate its politics and economics.But American cultural imperialism comes into focus only when examined against its immediate precursor. For all the British Empire spread — constitutional monarchies, tea drinking, bleakly Protestant Christianity, and ruthless, amoral capitalism — it never made its victims aspire to be British in quite the same way as its American offshoot has. As for justifying itself at home: Who needs state propaganda campaigns when you have Call of Duty and Top Gun?By contrast, in the twilight of their own imperial phase, the British set up a whole government body to sell their empire to consumers back home and to any unconvinced subjects abroad. It was called the Empire Marketing Board (EMB), a name that sounds hilariously quotidian to any English person of a certain age. While twentieth-century Britain also saw fit to establish state marketing boards for wool and milk, here the product was imperialism itself.The British Empire was once described by the liberal imperialist John Robert Seeley, in his 1883 bestseller The Expansion of England, as being the consequence of a series of what British liberals like to call “cock-ups.” He wrote, “We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind.” Of course, even an apologist like Seeley didn’t believe that the wars, racial laws, and annexations that built the largest formal empire in history were accidental as such.What he meant was that the British Empire was disorganized. It was never, in fact, a unified state, politically or economically. But Seeley believed that it should be, so it could compete with the streamlined, industrialized, active United States and the German Empire, whose colonies were mostly contiguous and governed under the same laws (though here there were exceptions too, like Namibia and the Philippines). The British Empire, according to Seeley, needed to be unified through tariffs and state planning. In the 1920s, this idea of an economically planned empire was briefly put into tentative practice by Britain’s Conservative governments, and the EMB was there to popularize it.The EMB produced posters, advertising campaigns, exhibitions, and documentary films. It was an unusual attempt to fuse two new trends in the interwar years: intensive advertising based on the American model and the propaganda of the Communist International. Its leading figure was an English bureaucrat, Sir Stephen Tallents, who had been convinced of the importance of art, cinema, and aesthetics after his time in Russia during its civil war. The British Empire sent troops to the Caucasus and the Baltic to help crush revolutionary socialism, and, in this capacity, the civil servant Tallents found himself the governor of Riga, the capital of Latvia and formerly a stronghold of Bolshevism. Looking at the agit-trains, kino tracts, and posters of the departed Soviets, Tallents realized that Britain was trailing far behind this powerful machine of persuasion.When Stanley Baldwin’s Tory government set up the EMB, Tallents was placed at its head. He in turn appointed as head of publicity one Frank Pick, the deputy director of the Underground Group, a private conglomerate that ran much of the capital’s public transportation network. A Fabian socialist who welcomed the London Underground’s nationalization in 1933 and a keen enthusiast for modern art, Pick subsequently brought in many of the artists he had worked with at the Underground.A good example is the 1926 poster by the British American artist E. McKnight Kauffer known as “Jungles Today Are Gold Mines Tomorrow,” referring to the slogan written at the top. The poster deployed the same bright, fauvist style Kauffer used elsewhere to convince London commuters to buy season tickets or move to the suburbs. It features two African figures, one male and one female, the woman in a traditional headdress holding aloft a pineapple, the man carrying a shield and staff; both have stylized features drawn in a manner that now looks distinctly racist. Between the two bodies is a ship and two columns of figures in pounds (goods sold and goods received, with the former mostly higher), indicating the increase in trade between Britain and its African colonies between 1895 — the start of the “Scramble for Africa” — and 1925.Other posters offered simple messages, presented in the neat serif fonts recently used in World War I propaganda. The most straightforward series asks you to buy the products of various colonies and white-settler dominions. BUY SOUTH AFRICAN ORANGES is emblazoned over a painting of gazelles, BUY CANADIAN HAMS AND BACON over one of a bison, and, more strangely, BUY BRITISH WEST INDIAN ST VINCENT ARROWROOT over an image of a turtle. Another campaign consisted of two posters, EAST AFRICAN TRANSPORT — OLD STYLE and EAST AFRICAN TRANSPORT — NEW STYLE. In the former, a group of Africans are marching with their livestock across the orange grass of a fauvist savannah. By contrast, the “new style” poster shows those same East Africans trading with a benevolent white man in a white shirt who occupies the high ground at the front of the scene.All of these designs expressed, queasily, Pick and Tallents’s idea of the empire as at once a modern network, linked by international transport, industry, and communications, and a warm, inclusive family in which everyone knows and works for one another, even the members in faraway parts of the globe (who are, of course, to be raised to full “adulthood” by the senior relations).EMB posters are seldom displayed today, for obvious reasons. But if it is largely forgotten in poster and industrial design, the board is much more significant in the history of British cinema. That’s because Tallents hired the Scottish sociologist, critic, and filmmaker John Grierson to head a specialized EMB Film Unit. The films Grierson produced, under the influence of Soviet directors like Dziga Vertov, are still considered classics, though their imperial provenance is not always emphasized.Many of the works of the British Documentary Film Movement that emerged in the late 1920s, such as Robert Flaherty’s Industrial Britain (1931), Basil Wright’s Song of Ceylon (1934), and Grierson’s own Drifters (1929), were all made for the EMB. It’s still possible to watch and enjoy The Song of Ceylon, a graceful, careful film that was intended to convince British filmgoers to drink Sri Lankan tea. The propaganda is subtle: the message that the balletic, elegant, rhythmic labor of the plantation workers resulted from the benevolence of empire is merely implicit.The Empire Marketing Board eventually came to an end not because it failed as propaganda but because the Tory government of the time was only partly committed to the project of imperial union. The notion of a unified trade bloc was fiercely opposed by the banks of London. The reason for this was that much of the formal empire, often acquired for military rather than economic reasons, was not particularly lucrative. On the other hand, the informal empire that would be placed on the other side of tariff walls — heavily British-influenced but officially nonimperial countries like Portugal, Iran, and Argentina — was extremely profitable. It may have fallen by the wayside, but perhaps some aspects of the EMB were unconsciously emulated in that vast, informal US empire after 1945 — not least a stress on the inestimable persuasive impact of cinema.What the EMB does offer, certainly, is a parallel. The project was created by an empire that knew it was under threat. Having grown rich and powerful on free trade, it now opted for tariffs, controlled markets under British supervision, and a planned industrial policy in order to beat its more technologically innovative competitors. These tactics didn’t work for Britain, and they seem unlikely to work for the declining United States now.

Photo: Ministry of Defense

Denní přehled Seznam Zpráv.

New Delhi, Sep 29 (SocialNews.XYZ) The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on Tuesday stated that there are currently 163 Indian seafarers on board 12 commercial vessels in the Persian Gulf transiting through West of Strait of Hormuz. "At this point in time, we have six India-flag commercial vessels in the Persian Gulf, west of the Strait of Hormuz. We also have six foreign-flagged vessels which are carrying cargo to India. So, 12 ships are there. On these ships, we have around 163 Indian seafarers who are on board," said MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal during a bi-weekly media briefing in New Delhi.

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The Director-General of the Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza, Dr Munir al-Bursh, mourns the killing of his eldest son by an Israeli attack in northern Gaza. Israeli forces have killed 1,381 people in Gaza since a ceasefire was announced in October 2025.

The American empire has never needed a propaganda ministry to justify itself to its subjects. For that, it has the world’s largest culture industry. From Hollywood to hip-hop, it has made millions around the world dream of being American, even those who hate its politics and economics.But American cultural imperialism comes into focus only when examined against its immediate precursor. For all the British Empire spread — constitutional monarchies, tea drinking, bleakly Protestant Christianity, and ruthless, amoral capitalism — it never made its victims aspire to be British in quite the same way as its American offshoot has. As for justifying itself at home: Who needs state propaganda campaigns when you have Call of Duty and Top Gun?By contrast, in the twilight of their own imperial phase, the British set up a whole government body to sell their empire to consumers back home and to any unconvinced subjects abroad. It was called the Empire Marketing Board (EMB), a name that sounds hilariously quotidian to any English person of a certain age. While twentieth-century Britain also saw fit to establish state marketing boards for wool and milk, here the product was imperialism itself.The British Empire was once described by the liberal imperialist John Robert Seeley, in his 1883 bestseller The Expansion of England, as being the consequence of a series of what British liberals like to call “cock-ups.” He wrote, “We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind.” Of course, even an apologist like Seeley didn’t believe that the wars, racial laws, and annexations that built the largest formal empire in history were accidental as such.What he meant was that the British Empire was disorganized. It was never, in fact, a unified state, politically or economically. But Seeley believed that it should be, so it could compete with the streamlined, industrialized, active United States and the German Empire, whose colonies were mostly contiguous and governed under the same laws (though here there were exceptions too, like Namibia and the Philippines). The British Empire, according to Seeley, needed to be unified through tariffs and state planning. In the 1920s, this idea of an economically planned empire was briefly put into tentative practice by Britain’s Conservative governments, and the EMB was there to popularize it.The EMB produced posters, advertising campaigns, exhibitions, and documentary films. It was an unusual attempt to fuse two new trends in the interwar years: intensive advertising based on the American model and the propaganda of the Communist International. Its leading figure was an English bureaucrat, Sir Stephen Tallents, who had been convinced of the importance of art, cinema, and aesthetics after his time in Russia during its civil war. The British Empire sent troops to the Caucasus and the Baltic to help crush revolutionary socialism, and, in this capacity, the civil servant Tallents found himself the governor of Riga, the capital of Latvia and formerly a stronghold of Bolshevism. Looking at the agit-trains, kino tracts, and posters of the departed Soviets, Tallents realized that Britain was trailing far behind this powerful machine of persuasion.When Stanley Baldwin’s Tory government set up the EMB, Tallents was placed at its head. He in turn appointed as head of publicity one Frank Pick, the deputy director of the Underground Group, a private conglomerate that ran much of the capital’s public transportation network. A Fabian socialist who welcomed the London Underground’s nationalization in 1933 and a keen enthusiast for modern art, Pick subsequently brought in many of the artists he had worked with at the Underground.A good example is the 1926 poster by the British American artist E. McKnight Kauffer known as “Jungles Today Are Gold Mines Tomorrow,” referring to the slogan written at the top. The poster deployed the same bright, fauvist style Kauffer used elsewhere to convince London commuters to buy season tickets or move to the suburbs. It features two African figures, one male and one female, the woman in a traditional headdress holding aloft a pineapple, the man carrying a shield and staff; both have stylized features drawn in a manner that now looks distinctly racist. Between the two bodies is a ship and two columns of figures in pounds (goods sold and goods received, with the former mostly higher), indicating the increase in trade between Britain and its African colonies between 1895 — the start of the “Scramble for Africa” — and 1925.Other posters offered simple messages, presented in the neat serif fonts recently used in World War I propaganda. The most straightforward series asks you to buy the products of various colonies and white-settler dominions. BUY SOUTH AFRICAN ORANGES is emblazoned over a painting of gazelles, BUY CANADIAN HAMS AND BACON over one of a bison, and, more strangely, BUY BRITISH WEST INDIAN ST VINCENT ARROWROOT over an image of a turtle. Another campaign consisted of two posters, EAST AFRICAN TRANSPORT — OLD STYLE and EAST AFRICAN TRANSPORT — NEW STYLE. In the former, a group of Africans are marching with their livestock across the orange grass of a fauvist savannah. By contrast, the “new style” poster shows those same East Africans trading with a benevolent white man in a white shirt who occupies the high ground at the front of the scene.All of these designs expressed, queasily, Pick and Tallents’s idea of the empire as at once a modern network, linked by international transport, industry, and communications, and a warm, inclusive family in which everyone knows and works for one another, even the members in faraway parts of the globe (who are, of course, to be raised to full “adulthood” by the senior relations).EMB posters are seldom displayed today, for obvious reasons. But if it is largely forgotten in poster and industrial design, the board is much more significant in the history of British cinema. That’s because Tallents hired the Scottish sociologist, critic, and filmmaker John Grierson to head a specialized EMB Film Unit. The films Grierson produced, under the influence of Soviet directors like Dziga Vertov, are still considered classics, though their imperial provenance is not always emphasized.Many of the works of the British Documentary Film Movement that emerged in the late 1920s, such as Robert Flaherty’s Industrial Britain (1931), Basil Wright’s Song of Ceylon (1934), and Grierson’s own Drifters (1929), were all made for the EMB. It’s still possible to watch and enjoy The Song of Ceylon, a graceful, careful film that was intended to convince British filmgoers to drink Sri Lankan tea. The propaganda is subtle: the message that the balletic, elegant, rhythmic labor of the plantation workers resulted from the benevolence of empire is merely implicit.The Empire Marketing Board eventually came to an end not because it failed as propaganda but because the Tory government of the time was only partly committed to the project of imperial union. The notion of a unified trade bloc was fiercely opposed by the banks of London. The reason for this was that much of the formal empire, often acquired for military rather than economic reasons, was not particularly lucrative. On the other hand, the informal empire that would be placed on the other side of tariff walls — heavily British-influenced but officially nonimperial countries like Portugal, Iran, and Argentina — was extremely profitable. It may have fallen by the wayside, but perhaps some aspects of the EMB were unconsciously emulated in that vast, informal US empire after 1945 — not least a stress on the inestimable persuasive impact of cinema.What the EMB does offer, certainly, is a parallel. The project was created by an empire that knew it was under threat. Having grown rich and powerful on free trade, it now opted for tariffs, controlled markets under British supervision, and a planned industrial policy in order to beat its more technologically innovative competitors. These tactics didn’t work for Britain, and they seem unlikely to work for the declining United States now.

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Ukraine's Ministry of Energy and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) have launched the Ukraine Energy Installation Facility (UEIF), the ministry said Tuesday.

In Genesis 3, we see more than humanity’s fall. We see the patterns that still shape us today. When sin and suffering press in, we often respond with some version of fight (control, blame, self-justification) or flight (hiding, withdrawal, distraction). And yet, God doesn’t leave people to manage their shame alone. He pursues, speaks, covers, and promises rescue.This one-day training equips ordinary believers for one-another ministry: the everyday, relational work of helping each other follow Jesus in the real conditions of life. Using a simple Genesis 3 “Gospel Turn” framework, we’ll learn how to slow down, ask wise questions, discern competing voices, practice honest confession and repentance, and then bring the person and work of Christ to bear with humility and hope. You’ll leave with a practical pathway you can use in conversations, small groups, and member-to-member care so that burden-bearing becomes normal, isolation is challenged, and the body builds itself up in love.Speaker:Jason Kovacs serves as Executive Director of Gospel Care Collective, where he loves walking with people through whatever they are facing with a gospel-centered, clinically-informed approach. He brings particular experience in helping individuals and couples navigate marriage and parenting challenges, trauma, depression, anger, anxiety, addiction, stress, adoption-related issues, and work-related struggles. Jason earned his Master of Arts from Reformed Theological Seminary and has specialized training in trauma care through TBRI® (Trust-Based Relational Intervention). He is a member of the Association of Biblical Counselors, serves on the Council of the Biblical Counseling Coalition, and sits on the board of the Canadian Biblical Counseling Coalition. In addition to counseling and leadership, Jason is an adjunct professor of biblical counseling at Heritage Theological Seminary and Millar College of the Bible. He and his wife, Shawnda, have been married for over 20 years and are raising five children.Who it’s for: MembersSmall group leadersDisciplersDeaconsMinistry LeadersAnyone who wants to learn how to help others with biblical clarity and Christ-like compassion.Refund Policy:Refund requests submitted by Thursday, October 1 will be refunded $45. No refunds after October 1.To request a refund, please contact info@gfceast.ca.Registration Closes: September 30thLocation: Worship Centre (Main Floor)Lunch: Included with your registration.