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EFTA02406470 | EFTA02406473 unacceptable for Iran to have a nuclear weapon, we mean what we say. Let =escribe very specifically why this is important to us. In addition to the profound threat that it poses to Israel, one of our stro=gest allies in the world; in addition to the outrageous language that has =een directed toward Israel by the leaders of the Iranian government -- if =ran gets a nuclear weapon, this would run completely contrary to my policies of nonproliferation. The risk= of an Iranian nuclear weapon falling into the hands of terrorist organiza=ions are profound. It is almost certain that other players in the region w=uld feel it necessary to get their own nuclear weapons. So now you have the prospect of a nuclear arms race i= the most volatile region in the world, one that is rife with unstable gov=rnments and sectarian tensions. And it would also provide Iran the additio=al capability to sponsor and protect its proxies in carrying out terrorist attacks, because they are less fearf=l of retaliation. GOLDBERG: What would your position be if Israel weren't in this pict=re? PRESIDENT OBAMA: It would still be a profound national-security inte=est of the United States to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. GOLDBERG: Why, then, is this issue so often seen as binary, always d=fined as Israel versus Iran? PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think it has to do with a legitimate concern on t=e part of Israel that they are a small country in a tough neighborhood, an= as a consequence, even though the U.S. and Israel very much share assessm=nts of how quickly Iran could obtain breakout capacity, and even though there is constant consultation and inte=ligence coordination around that question, Israel feels more vulnerable. A=d I think the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,J feel = profound, historic obligation not to put Israel in a position where it cannot act decisively and unilate=ally to protect the state of Israel. I understand those concerns, and as a=consequence, I think it's not surprising that the way it gets framed, at I=ast in this country, where the vast majority of people are profoundly sympathetic to Israel's plight and =otential vulnerabilities -- that articles and stories get framed in terms =f Israel's potential vulnerability. But I want to make clear t=at when we travel around the world and make presentations about this issue, that's not how we frame it. We frame it as= this is something in the national-security interests of the United States=and in the interests of the world community. And I assure you that Europe =ould not have gone forward with sanctions on Iranian oil imports -- which are very difficult for them to c=rry out, because they get a lot of oil from Iran -- had it not been for th=ir understanding that it is in the world's interest, to prevent Iran from =etting a nuclear weapon. China would not have abided by the existing sanctions coming out of the National=Security Council, and other countries around the world would not have unif=ed around those sanctions, had it not been for us making the presentation =bout why this was important for everyone, not just one country. GOLDBERG: Is it possible that the prime minister of Israel has over-=earned the lessons of the Holocaust? PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think the prime minister has a profound responsib=lity to protect the Israeli people in a hostile neighborhood, and I am cer=ain that the history of the Holocaust and of anti-Semitism and brutality d=rected against the Jewish people for more than a millennium weighs on him when he thinks about these questi=ns. I think it's important to recognize, though, that the prime mini=ter is also head of a modern state that is mindful of the profound costs o= any military action, and in our consultations with the Israeli government, I think they take those costs, and potential =nintended consequences, very seriously. GOLDBERG: Do you think Israel could cause damage to itself in Americ= by preempting the Iranian nuclear program militarily? PRESIDENT OBAMA: I don't know how it plays in America. I think we in=the United States instinctively sympathize with Israel, and I think politi=al support for Israel is bipartisan and powerful. In my discussions with I=rael, the key question that I ask is: How does this impact their own security environment? I've said it publ=cly and I say it privately: ultimately, the Israeli prime minister and the=defense minister and others in the government have to make their decisions=about what they think is best for Israel's security, and I don't presume to tell them what is best for them.=But as Israel's closest 4 EFTA_R1_01448622 EFTA02406473
April 8, 2026 at 9:34 AM